Edward I of England

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Edward I Longshanks
Portrait in Westminster Abbey, thought to be of Edward I
Portrait in Westminster Abbey, thought to be of Edward I
King of England (more...)
Reign 16 November 1272 – 7 July 1307
Coronation 19 August 1274
Predecessor Henry III of Winchester
Successor Edward II of Carnarvon
Consort Eleanor of Castile
m. 1254; dec. 1290
Marguerite of France
m. 1299; wid. 1307
Issue
Eleanor, Countess of Bar
Joan, Countess of Hertford and Gloucester
Alphonso, Earl of Chester
Margaret, Duchess of Brabant
Mary Plantagenet
Elizabeth, Countess of Hereford
Edward II of Carnarvon
Thomas of Brotherton, Earl of Norfolk
Edmund of Woodstock, Earl of Kent
House House of Plantagenet
Father Henry III of Winchester
Mother Eleanor of Provence
Born 17 June 1239(1239-06-17)
Palace of Westminster, London
Died 7 July 1307 (aged 68)
Burgh by Sands, Cumberland
Burial Westminster Abbey, London

Edward I (17 June 1239 – 7 July 1307), known as Edward Longshanks for his height of 6 ft. 2 in. (188 cm),[1] and sometimes referred to as the "English Justinian"[2] and the "Hammer of the Scots" (Latin: Scottorum malleus), was a Plantagenet King of England. Edward achieved historical fame by conquering large parts of Wales and almost succeeding in doing the same to Scotland. However, his death led to his son Edward II taking the throne and ultimately failing in his attempt to subjugate Scotland. Longshanks reigned from 1272 to 1307, ascending the throne of England on 16 November, 1272 after the death of his father, King Henry III. His mother was queen consort Eleanor of Provence.

As regnal post-nominal numbers were a Norman (as opposed to Anglo-Saxon) custom, Edward Longshanks is known as Edward I, even though he was England's fourth King Edward, following Edward the Elder, Edward the Martyr, and Edward the Confessor.

Contents

[edit] Childhood and marriage

Edward was born at the Palace of Westminster on the night of 17/18 June 1239, to King Henry III and Eleanor of Provence.[3] Henry was devoted to the veneration of Edward the Confessor, and for this reason decided to name his firstborn son Edward – not a common name among the English aristocracy at the time.[4] Edward was in the care of Hugh Giffard – father of the future Chancellor Godfrey Giffard – until Bartholomew Pecche took over at Giffard's death in 1246.[5] Among his childhood companions was his cousin Henry of Almain, son of King Henry's brother Richard of Cornwall.[6]

In 1254 there were fears that Castile might invade the English province of Gascony. As a preventative measure, it was agreed that Edward should marry Eleanor, half-sister of King Alfonso X of Castile.[7] Eleanor and Edward were married on 1 November 1254 in the monastery of Las Huelgas in Castile.[8] As part of the marriage agreement, Alfonso insisted that grants of land worth 15,000 marks a year be made to the young prince, not yet fifteen years of age.[9] Though the endowments King Henry made were sizable, the independence they provided for Edward was limited. He had already received Gascony as early as 1249, but Simon de Montfort, 6th Earl of Leicester had been appointed to serve as royal lieutenant there the year before, so in practice Edward derived neither authority nor revenue from this province.[10] The grant he received in 1254 included most of Ireland, and much land in Wales and England, including the earldom of Chester.[11] The king maintained much control of the land in question and, particularly in Ireland, Edward’s power was limited.[12]

In the years from 1254 to 1257, Edward was under the influence of the court faction known as the Savoyards, relatives of his mother, Eleanor of Provence.[13] The most notable of this group was Peter of Savoy, the queen’s uncle.[14] From 1257 onwards, he increasingly fell in with the Poitevin, or Lusignan faction – the half-brothers of his father Henry III – led by men such as William de Valence.[15] Both these groups were considered privileged foreigners, and were deeply resented by the established English aristocracy.[16]

[edit] Early ambitions

Edward had shown independence in political matters as early as 1255 when he took sides in a local conflict in Gascony, contrary to his father’s policy of mediation.[17] In May 1258 a group of magnates drew up a document for reform of the king’s government – the so-called Provisions of Oxford – largely directed against the Lusignans. Edward stood by his political allies, and strongly opposed the Provisions. The reform movement had success, however, and gradually Edward’s attitude started to change. In March 1259 he entered into a formal alliance with one of the main reformers Richard de Clare, Earl of Gloucester. Then, on 15 October, 1259 he announced that he supported the barons' goals, and their leader, Simon de Montfort.[18]

The motive behind Edward’s change of heart could have been purely pragmatic; Montfort was in a good position to support his cause in Gascony.[19] When the king left for France in November, Edward's behaviour turned into pure insubordination, as he made several appointments to advance the cause of the reformers. King Henry started believing that his son was plotting to depose him.[20] When the king returned he initially refused to see his son, but through the mediation of the Earl of Cornwall and the archbishop of Canterbury the two were eventually reconciled.[21] Edward was sent abroad, and in November 1260 he once more united with the Lusignans, who had been exiled to France.[22]

Back in England, early in 1262, Edward fell out with some of his former allies over financial matters. A year later he led a campaign in Wales against Llywelyn ap Gruffudd, with limited results.[23] Around the same time Simon de Montfort, who had been out of the country since 1261, returned to England and reignited the baronial reform movement.[24] The king gave in to the barons’ demands, but Edward – who was now firmly on the side of his father – held out. He reunited with some of the men he had alienated the year before – among them Henry of Almain and John de Warenne, Earl of Surrey – and retook Windsor Castle from the rebels.[25] Through the arbitration of King Louis IX of France, an agreement was made between the two parties. This so-called Mise of Amiens was largely favourable to the royalist side, and laid the seeds for further conflict.[26]

[edit] Civil war

The years 1264–1267 saw the conflict known as the Barons' War, where baronial forces led by Simon de Montfort fought against those who remained loyal to the king.[27] The first scene of battle was the city of Gloucester, which Edward managed to retake from the enemy. When Robert de Ferrers, earl of Derby, came to the assistance of the rebels, Edward negotiated a truce with the earl, the terms of which he later broke. Edward then proceeded to capture Northampton from Montfort's son Simon, before embarking on a retaliatory campaign against Derby's lands.[28] The baronial and royalist forces finally met at the Battle of Lewes, on 14 May 1264. Edward's forces performed well, but the king's army nevertheless lost the battle. Edward, along with his cousin Henry of Almein, was given up as a prisoner to Montfort.[29]

Edward remained in captivity until March, and even after his release he was kept under strict surveillance.[30] Then, on 28 May, he managed to escape his custodians, and joined up with the earl of Gloucester, who had recently defected to the king's side.[31] Montfort's support was now dwindling, and Edward retook Worcester and Gloucester with relatively little effort.[32] In the meanwhile, Montfort had made an alliance with Llywelyn, and started moving east to join forces with his son Simon. Edward managed to make a surprise attack at Kenilworth Castle, where the younger Montfort was quartered, before moving on to cut off the earl of Leicester.[33] The two forces then met at the second great encounter of the Barons' War – the Battle of Evesham, on 4 August 1265. Montfort stood little chance against the superior royal forces, and after his defeat he was killed and mutilated in the field.[34]

Medieval manuscript showing Simon de Montfort's mutilated body at the field of Evesham

The war was not over with Montfort's death, and Edward participated in the continued campaigning. At Christmas he came to terms with the younger Simon de Montfort and his associates in the Isle of Axholme in Lincolnshire, and in March he led a successful assault on the Cinque Ports.[35] A contingent of rebels held out in the virtually impregnable Kenilworth Castle, and did not surrender until the drafting of the conciliatory Dictum of Kenilworth.[36] In April it seemed as if Gloucester would take up the cause of the reform movement, and civil war would return, but after a renegotiation of the terms of the Dictum of Kenilworth the parties came to an agreement.[37] Edward, however, was little involved in the settlement negotiations following the wars; at this point his main focus was on planning his upcoming crusade.[38]

[edit] Crusade and accession

[39]

Edward took the cross in an elaborate ceremony on 24 June 1268, along with his brother Edmund and cousin Henry of Almain. Among others who committed themselves to the cause were former adversaries like the earl of Gloucester, though the earl did not end up going.[40] With the country pacified, the greatest impediment to the project was providing sufficient finances.[41] King Louis IX of France, who was the leader of the crusade, provided a loan of about £17,500.[42] This, however, was not enough; the rest had to be raised through a lay tax, something which had not happened since 1237.[42] In May 1270, Parliament granted a tax of a twentieth,[43] in exchange for which the king agreed to reconfirm Magna Carta, and to impose restrictions on Jewish money lending.[44] On 20 August Edward sailed from Dover for France.[45] It is impossible to determine the size of the force with any certainty, but Edward probably brought with him around 225 knights and all together less than 1000 men.[41]

The original goal of the crusade was to relieve the beleaguered Christian stronghold of Acre, but Louis had been diverted to Tunis. The French king and his brother Charles of Anjou, who had made himself king of Sicily, decided to attack the emirate in order to establish a stronghold in North Africa.[46] The plans failed when the French forces were struck by an epidemic which, on 25 August, took the life of King Louis himself.[47] By the time Edward arrived at Tunis, Charles had already signed a treaty with the emir, and there was little else to do than to return to Sicily. The crusade was postponed until next spring, but a devastating storm off the coast of Sicily dissuaded Charles of Anjou and Louis's successor Philip III from any further campaigning.[48] Edward decided to continue alone, and on 9 May 1271 he finally landed at Acre.[49]

Operations during the Crusade of Edward I

The situation in the Holy Land at the time of Edward's arrival was a precarious one. Jerusalem had fallen in 1187, and Acre was now the centre of the Christian state.[50] The Muslim states were on the offensive under the Mamluk leadership of Baibars, and were now threatening Acre itself. Though Edward's men were an important addition to the garrison, they stood little chance against Baibars' superior forces, and an initial raid at nearby St Georges-de-Lebeyne in June was largely futile.[51] An embassy to the Mongols helped bring about an attack on Aleppo in the north, allowing the crusading armies a distraction.[52] In November, Edward led a raid on Qaqun, which could have served as a bridgehead to Jerusalem, but both the Mongol invasion and the attack on Qaqun failed. Things now seemed increasingly desperate, and in May 1272 Hugh III of Cyprus, who was the nominal king of Jerusalem, signed a ten-year truce with Baibars.[53] Edward was initially defiant, but an attack by a Muslim assassin in June forced him to abandon any further campaigning. Even though he managed to kill the assassin, he was struck in the arm by a dagger feared to be poisoned, and became strongly weakened over the next months.[54][55]

It was not until 24 September that Edward left Acre. Arriving in Sicily, he was met with the news that Henry III had died on 16 November.[56] Edward was deeply saddened by this news, but rather than hurrying home at once, he made a leisurely journey northwards. This was partly due to his health still being poor, but also due to a lack of urgency.[57] The political situation in England was stable after the mid-century upheavals, and Edward was proclaimed king at his father's death, rather than at his own coronation, as had up until then been customary.[58] The new king embarked on an overland journey through Italy and France, where among other things he visited the pope in Rome and suppressed a rebellion in Gascony.[59] Only on 2 August 1274 did he return to England, and was crowned on 19 August.[60]

[edit] Administration and the law

Groat of Edward I (4 pence)

Upon returning home, Edward immediately embarked on the administrative business of the nation, and his major concern was restoring order and re-establishing royal authority after the disastrous reign of his father.[61] In order to accomplish this he immediately ordered an extensive change of administrative personnel. The most important of these was the appointment of Robert Burnell as chancellor; a man who would remain in the post until 1292, as one of the king's closest associates.[62] Edward then proceeded to replace most local officials, such as the escheators and sheriffs.[63] This last measure was done in preparation for an extensive inquest covering all of England, that would hear complaints about abuse of power by royal officers. The inquest produced the so-called Hundred Rolls, from the administrative sub-division of the hundred.[64]

The second purpose of the inquest was to establish what land and rights the crown had lost during the reign of Henry III.[65] The Hundred Rolls formed the basis for the later legal inquiries called the Quo warranto proceedings. The purpose of these inquiries was to establish by what warrant (Latin: Quo warranto) various liberties were held.[66] If the defendant could not produce a royal licence to prove the grant of the liberty, then it was the crown's opinion – based on the writings of Bracton – that the liberty should revert to the king. This caused great consternation among the aristocracy, who insisted that long use in itself constituted license.[67] A compromise was eventually reached in 1290, whereby a liberty was considered legitimate as long as it could be shown to have been exercised since the coronation of King Richard I, in 1189.[68] Royal gains from the Quo warranto proceedings were insignificant; few liberties were returned to the king.[69] Edward had nevertheless won a significant victory, in clearly establishing the principle that all liberties essentially emanated from the crown.[70]

The 1290 Statute of Quo warranto was only one part of a wider legislative effort, which was one of the most important contributions of Edward I's reign.[6] This era of legislative action had started already at the time of the baronial reform movement; the Statute of Marlborough (1267) contained elements both of the Provisions of Oxford and the Dictum of Kenilworth.[71] The compilation of the Hundred Rolls was followed shortly after by the issue of Westminster I (1275), which asserted the royal prerogative and outlined restrictions on liberties.[72] In Mortmain (1279), the issue was grants of land to the church.[73] The first clause of Westminster II (1285), known as De donis conditionalibus, dealt with family settlement of land, and entails.[74] Merchants (1285) established firm rules for the recovery of debts,[75] while Winchester (1285) dealt with peacekeeping on a local level.[76] Quia emptores (1290) – issued along with Quo warranto – set out to remedy land ownership disputes resulting from alienation of land by subinfeudation.[77] The age of the great statutes largely ended with the death of Robert Burnell in 1292.[78]

[edit] Welsh wars

Llywelyn ap Gruffudd enjoyed an advantageous situation in the aftermath of the Barons' War. Through the 1267 Treaty of Montgomery he officially obtained land he had conquered in the Four Cantrefs of Perfeddwlad, and was recognised in his title of Prince of Wales.[79][80] Armed conflicts nevertheless continued, in particular with certain dissatisfied Marcher Lords, such as the earl of Gloucester, Roger Mortimer and Humphrey de Bohun, Earl of Hereford.[81] Problems were exacerbated when his younger brother Dafydd and Gruffydd ap Gwenwynwyn of Powys, after a failed assassination attempt against Llywelyn, defected to the English in 1274.[82] Citing ongoing hostilities and the English king harbouring his enemies, Llywelyn refused to do homage to Edward.[83] For Edward, a further provocation came in the form of Llywelyn's planned marriage to Eleanor, daughter of Simon de Montfort.[84] In November 1276 war was declared.[85] Initial operations were launched under the captaincy of Mortimer, Lancaster (Edward's brother Edmund) and William de Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick.[86] Support for Llywelyn was weak among his own countrymen.[87] In July 1277 Edward invaded with a force of 15,500 – of whom 9,000 were Welshmen.[88] The campaign never came to a major battle, and Llywelyn soon realised he had no choice but to surrender.[88] By the Treaty of Aberconwy in November 1277, he was left only with the land of Gwynedd, though he was allowed to retain the title of Prince of Wales.[89]

When war broke out again in 1282, it was an entirely different undertaking. For the Welsh this was a war of national independence with wide support, provoked particularly by attempts to impose English law on Welsh subjects.[90] For Edward it became a war of conquest rather than simply a punitive expedition, like the former campaign.[91] The war started with a rebellion by Dafydd, who was discontented with the reward he had received from Edward in 1277.[92] Llywelyn and other Welsh chieftains soon joined in, and initially the Welsh experienced military success. In June, Gloucester was defeated at the Battle of Llandeilo Fawr.[93] On 6 November, while John Peckham, archbishop of Canterbury, was conducting peace negotiations, Edward's commander of Anglesey, Luke de Tany, decided to carry out a surprise attack. A pontoon bridge had been built to the mainland, but shortly after Tany and his men crossed over, they were ambushed by the Welsh, and suffered heavy losses at the Battle of Moel-y-don.[94] The Welsh advances ended on December 11, however, when Llywelyn was lured into a trap and killed at the Battle of Orewin Bridge.[95] The submission of Wales was complete with the capture in June 1283 of Dafydd, who was taken to Shrewsbury and executed as a traitor the following autumn.[96]

Caernarfon Castle, one of the most imposing of Edward's Welsh castles.

Further rebellions occurred in 1287-8 and – more seriously – in 1294-5 under Madog ap Llywelyn. This last conflict demanded the king's own attention, but in both cases the rebellions were put down.[6] By the 1284 Statute of Rhuddlan, the Principality of Wales was incorporated into England, and Wales was given an administrative system like the English, with counties policed by sheriffs.[97] English law was introduced in criminal cases, though the Welsh were allowed to maintain their own customary laws in some cases of property disputes.[98] After 1277, and increasingly after 1283, Edward embarked on a full-scale project of English settlement of Wales, creating new towns like Flint, Aberystwyth, and Rhuddlan.[99] An extensive project of castle-building was also initiated. The assignment was given to Master James of Saint George, a prestigious architect whom Edward had met in Savoy on his return from crusade. Among the major buildings were the castles of Beaumaris, Caernarfon, Conwy and Harlech.[100] In 1284, King Edward's son Edward – the later Edward II – was born at Caernarfon Castle, and it was also here, in 1301, that the young Edward was the first English prince to be invested with the title of Prince of Wales.[101]

[edit] Diplomacy and war on the Continent

Edward never again went on crusade after his return to England in 1274, but he maintained an intention to do so, and took the cross again in 1287.[102] This intention guided much of his foreign policy, until at least 1291. To stage a European-wide crusade, it was essential to prevent conflict between the greater princes on the Continent. A major obstacle to this was represented by the conflict between the kingdom of Aragon in Spain and the French Angevin dynasty ruling southern Italy. In 1282, the citizens of Palermo rose up against Charles of Anjou, and turned for help to Peter of Aragon, in what has become known as the Sicilian Vespers. In the war that followed, Charles of Anjou's son Charles of Salerno was taken prisoner by the Aragonese.[103] The French began planning an attack on Aragon, raising the prospect of a large-scale European war. To Edward it was imperative that such a war be avoided, and in Paris in 1286, he brokered a truce between France and Aragon that helped secure Charles's release.[104] As far as the crusades were concerned, however, Edward's efforts proved ineffective. A devastating blow to his plans came in 1291, when the Mamluks captured Acre, the last Christian stronghold in the Holy Land.[105]

Homage of Edward I (kneeling) to Philip IV (seated). As Duke of Aquitaine, Edward was a vassal of the French king.

After the fall of Acre, Edward's international role changed from that of a diplomat to an antagonist. He had long been deeply involved in the affairs of his own Duchy of Gascony. In 1278 he assigned an investigating commission to his trusted associates Otto de Grandson and the chancellor Robert Burnell, which caused the replacement of the seneschal Luke de Tany.[106] In 1286 he visited the region himself, and stayed for almost three years.[107] The perennial problem, however, was the status of Gascony within the kingdom of France, and Edward's role as the French king's vassal. On his diplomatic mission in 1286, Edward had paid homage to the new king, Philip IV, but in 1294 Philip declared Gascony forfeit when Edward refused to appear before him in Paris to discuss the recent conflict between English, Gascon, and French sailors (that had resulted in several French ships being captured, along with the sacking of the French port of La Rochelle)[108]

In the war that followed, Edward planned for a two-pronged attack. While the English forces focused on Gascony, alliances were made with the princes of the Low Countries, Germany, and Burgundy, who would attack France from the north.[6] The alliances proved volatile, however, and Edward was facing trouble at home at the time, both in Wales and Scotland. It was not until August 1297 that he was finally able to sail for Flanders, at which times his allies there had already suffered defeat.[109] The support from Germany never materialised, and Edward was forced to seek peace. His marriage to the French princess Margaret in 1299 put an end to the war, but the whole affair had proven both costly and fruitless for the English.[110]

[edit] The Great Cause

The relationship between the nations of England and Scotland by the 1280s was one of relatively harmonious coexistence.[111] The issue of homage did not reach the same level of controversy as it did in Wales; in 1278 King Alexander III of Scotland paid homage to Edward I, but apparently only for the lands he held of Edward in England.[112] Problems arose only with the Scottish succession crisis of the early 1290s. In the years from 1281 to 1284, Alexander's two sons and one daughter died in quick succession. Then, in 1286, King Alexander died himself, leaving as heir to the throne of Scotland 3 year old Margaret, the Maid of Norway, born in 1283 to Alexander's daughter Margaret and King Eric II of Norway.[113] By the Treaty of Birgham it was agreed that Margaret should marry King Edward's then 1 year old son Edward of Carnarvon, though Scotland would remain free of English overlordship.[114][115]

19th-century drawing of the Stone of Destiny. The Scottish coronation stone remained at Westminster until it was returned to Scotland in 1996.

Margaret, now 7 years of age, sailed from Norway for Scotland in the autumn of 1290, but fell ill on the way and died in Orkney.[116][117] This left the country without an obvious heir, and led to the succession dispute known to history as the Great Cause.[118] Even though as many as fourteen claimants put forward their claims to the title, the real contest was between John Balliol and Robert Bruce.[119] The Scottish magnates made a request to Edward to arbitrate in the dispute.[120] At Birgham, with the prospect of a personal union between the two realms, the question of suzerainty had not been of great importance to Edward. Now he insisted that, if he were to settle the contest, he had to be fully recognised as Scotland's feudal overlord.[121] The Scots were reluctant to make such a concession, and replied that since the country had no king, no one had the authority to make this decision.[122] This problem was circumvented when the competitors agreed that the realm would be handed over to Edward until a rightful heir had been found.[123] After a lengthy hearing, a decision was made in favour of John Balliol on 17 November 1292.[124]

Even after Balliol's accession, Edward still continued to assert his authority over Scotland. Against the objections of the Scots, he agreed to hear appeals on cases ruled on by the court of guardians that had governed Scotland during the interregnum.[125] A further provocation came in a case brought by Macduff, son of Malcolm, Earl of Fife, where Edward demanded Balliol appear in person before the English Parliament to answer the charges.[126] This the Scottish king did, but the final straw was Edward's demand that the Scottish magnates provide military service in the war against France.[127] This was unacceptable; the Scots instead formed an alliance with France, and launched an unsuccessful attack on Carlisle.[128] Edward responded by invading Scotland in 1296, and taking the town of Berwick in a particularly bloody attack.[129] At the Battle of Dunbar, Scottish resistance was effectively crushed.[130] Edward confiscated the Stone of Destiny  – the Scottish coronation stone – and brought it to Westminster, deposed Balliol and placed him in the Tower of London, and installed Englishmen to govern the country.[6] The campaign had been a great success, but the English triumph would eventually prove deceptive.[131]

[edit] Finances, Parliament and the Persecution of Jews

Edward I's frequent military campaigns put a great financial strain on the nation.[132] There were several ways through which the king could raise money for war, including customs duties, money lending and lay subsidies. In 1275 Edward I negotiated a agreement with the domestic merchant community that secured a permanent duty on wool. In 1303 a similar agreement was reached with foreign merchants, in return for certain rights and privileges.[133] The revenues from the customs duty were handled by the Riccardi; a group of bankers from Lucca in Italy.[134] This was in return for their service as money lenders to the crown, which helped finance the Welsh Wars. When the war with France broke out, the French king confiscated the Riccardi's assets, and the bank went bankrupt.[135] After this, the Frescobaldi of Florence took over the role as money lenders to the English crown.[136]

16th-century illustration of Edward I presiding over Parliament. The scene shows Alexander III of Scotland and Llywelyn ap Gruffudd of Wales on either side of Edward; a episode that never actually occurred.[137]

Another source of crown income was represented by England's Jews. The Jews were the king's personal property, and he was free to tax them at will.[138] By the 1280 the Jews had been exploited to a level where they were no longer of much financial use to the crown, but they could still be used in political bargaining.[139] Their usury business – a practice forbidden to Christians – had made many people indebted to them, and caused general popular resentment.[140] In 1275, Edward had issued the Statute of the Jewry, which outlawed usury and encouraged the Jews to take up other professions[141]; in 1280 he ordered all Jews to attend special sermons, preached by Dominican friars, with the hope of persuading them to convert, but neither of these exhortations were followed.[142] In 1279, in the context of a crack-down on coin-clippers, he arrested all the heads of Jewish households in England and had around 300 of them executed.[143] The final attack on the Jews in England came in the form of the Edict of Expulsion in 1290, whereby Edward formally expelled all Jews from England.[144] This not only generated revenues through royal appropriation of Jewish loans and property, but it also gave Edward the political capital to negotiate a substantial lay subsidy in the 1290 Parliament.[145] The expulsion, which was not reversed until 1656,[146] followed a precedence set by other European territorial princes; the king of France had expelled all Jews from his own lands in 1182; the duke of Brittany drove them out of his duchy in 1239; and in the late 1240s Louis IX had expelled the Jews from the royal demesne prior to his first passage to the East.[147]

One of the main achievements of the reign of Edward I was the reforms of the institution of the English Parliament, and its transformation into a source for generating revenues.[6] Edward held Parliament at a more or less regular basis throughout his reign.[148] In 1295, however, a significant change occurred. For this Parliament, in addition to the secular and ecclesiastical lords, two knights from each county and two representatives from each borough were summoned.[149] The representation of commons in Parliament was nothing new; what was new was the authority under which these representatives were summoned. Whereas previously the commons had been expected simply to assent to decisions already made by the magnates, it was now proclaimed that they should meet with the full authority (plena potestas) of their communities, to give assent to decisions made in Parliament.[150] The king now had full backing for collecting lay subsidies from the entire population. Lay subsidies were taxes collected at a certain fraction of the moveable property of all laymen.[151] Whereas Henry III had only collected four of these in his reign, Edward I collected nine.[152] This format eventually became the standard for later Parliaments, and historians have named the assembly the "Model Parliament".[153]

[edit] Constitutional crisis

The incessant warfare of the 1290s put a great financial demand on Edward's subjects. Whereas the king had only levied three lay subsidies up until 1294, four such taxes were granted in the years 1294–97, raising over £200,000.[154] In addition to this came the burden of prises (appropriation of food), seizure of wool and hides, and the unpopular additional duty on wool, dubbed the maltolt.[155] The fiscal demands on the king's subjects caused resentment, and this resentment eventually led to serious political opposition. The initial resistance was not caused by the lay taxes, however, but by clerical subsidies. In 1294, Edward made a demand of a grant of one half of all clerical revenues. There was some resistance, but the king responded by threatening with outlawry, and the grant was eventually made.[156] At the time, the archbishopric of Canterbury was vacant, since Robert Winchelsey was in Italy to receive consecration.[157] Winchelsey returned in January 1295, and had to consent to another grant in November of that year. In 1296, however, his position changed when he received the papal bull Clericis laicos. This bull prohibited the clergy from paying taxes to a lay authorities without explicit consent from the Pope.[158] When the clergy, with reference to the bull, refused to pay, Edward responded with outlawry.[159] Winchelsea was presented with a dilemma, between loyalty to the king and upholding the papal bull, and responded by leaving it to every individual clergyman to pay as he saw fit.[160] By the end of the year a solution was offered by the new papal bull Etsi de statu, which allowed clerical taxation in cases of pressing urgency.[161]

Edward
By God, Sir Earl, either go or hang
Roger Bigod
By that same oath, O king, I shall neither go nor hang

Opposition from the laity took longer to surface. This resistance focused on two things: the king's right to demand military service, and his right to levy taxes. At the Salisbury parliament of February 1297, Roger Bigod, Earl of Norfolk, in his capacity as Marshal of England, objected to a royal summons of military service. Bigod argued that the military obligation only extended to service alongside the king; if the king intended to sail to Flanders, he could not send his subjects to Gascony.[163] In July, Bigod and Humphrey de Bohun, Earl of Hereford and Constable of England, drew up a series of complaints known as the Remonstrances, where objections to the extortionate level of taxation were voiced.[164] Undeterred, Edward requested another lay subsidy. This one was particularly provocative, because the king had sought consent only from a small group of magnates, rather than from representatives from the communities in parliament.[165] While Edward was in Winchelsea, preparing for the campaign in Flanders, Bigod and Bohun turned up at the Exchequer to prevent the collection of the tax.[166] As the king left the country with a highly reduced force, the kingdom seemed to be on the verge of civil war.[167][168] What resolved the situation was the English defeat to the Scots at the Battle of Stirling Bridge. The renewed threat to the homeland gave king and magnates common cause.[169] Edward signed the Confirmatio cartarum – a confirmation of Magna Carta – and the nobility agreed to serve with the king on a campaign in Scotland.[170]

[edit] Scottish wars

Opposition sprang up (see Wars of Scottish Independence), and under the leadership of William Wallace, the Scots won a major victory at the Battle of Stirling Bridge in 1297. Wallace was captured and executed on 23 August, 1305, after a defeat at the Battle of Falkirk (1298). Although he won the battle, Edward lost many men in the battle and was forced to retreat back to England.

The capitulation of the Scottish political community in 1304 must have seemed to Edward to settle the Scottish question in his favour. Edward began to make arrangements for the governance of the newly-defeated realm. However, all of his efforts were soon invalidated.

On 10th February 1306 Robert Bruce slew at Greyfriars Church in Dumfries his rival to the Scottish crown, John 'the Red' Comyn of Badenoch.[171] Less than seven weeks later on March 25, Bruce was crowned as King Robert I of Scotland.

Edward appears to have been greatly angered by the latest Scottish rebellion and ordered rebels to be shown no quarter. Many of Bruce's closest supporters and family were hanged, drawn and quartered when they were captured by Edward's men. Although Bruce was initially forced to flee, probably to Rathlin Island and then to the Hebrides, in early 1307 he landed a small force in Carrick.[172] Edward, apparently frustrated by his men's inability to crush Bruce, made arrangements to lead a campaign personally against the rebel-king. Edward was too old and too weak to undertake such a task and died before he could reach Scotland.

[edit] Later reign and death

Reconstruction of Edward I apartments at the Tower of London

Edward's later life was fraught with difficulty, as he lost his beloved first wife Eleanor and his heir failed to develop the expected kingly character.

Edward's plan to conquer Scotland ultimately failed. In 1307 he died at Burgh-by-Sands, Cumberland on the Scottish border, while on his way to wage another campaign against the Scots under the leadership of Robert the Bruce. According to a later chronicler tradition, Edward asked to have his bones carried on future military campaigns in Scotland. More credible and contemporary writers reported that the king's last request was to have his heart taken to the Holy Land. All that is certain is that Edward was buried in Westminster Abbey in a plain black marble tomb, which in later years was painted with the words Edwardus Primus Scottorum malleus hic est, pactum serva, (Here is Edward I, Hammer of the Scots. Keep Troth).[173].

On 2 January, 1774, the Society of Antiquaries opened the coffin and discovered that his body had been perfectly preserved for 467 years. His body was measured to be 6 feet 2 inches (188 cm) hence the nickname "Longshanks" meaning long legs.[174]

[edit] Portrayal in fiction

Edward's life was dramatized in a Renaissance play by George Peele, the Famous Chronicle of King Edward the First.

Edward is unflatteringly depicted in several novels with a contemporary setting, including:

The subjection of Wales and its people and their staunch resistance was commemorated in a poem, "The Bards of Wales", by the Hungarian poet János Arany in 1857 as a way of encoded resistance to the suppressive politics of the time.

Edward is portrayed by Patrick McGoohan as a cruel, hard-hearted tyrant in the 1995 film Braveheart. He was played by Brian Blessed, in the 1996 film The Bruce, as an idealist seeking to unite Norman and Saxon in his kingdom. Edward was played by Michael Rennie in the 1950 film The Black Rose, based on the novel by Thomas B. Costain, and by Donald Sumpter in Heist (2008).

[edit] Titles, styles, honours and arms

Edward I's full style in Latin was Edwardus Dei Gratia Rex Angliae Dominus Hibernie et Dux Aquitanie.

[edit] Arms

Until his accession to the throne in 1272, Edward bore the arms of the kingdom, differentiated by a label azure of three points. With the throne, he inherited the arms of the kingdom, being gules, three lions passant guardant in pale Or armed and langued azure[175]

[edit] Issue

Eleanor of Castile died on 28 November 1290. Edward was very devoted to his queen, and was deeply affected by her death. He displayed his grief by erecting twelve so-called Eleanor crosses, one at each place where her funeral cortège stopped for the night.[176] As part of the peace accord between England and France in 1294, it was agreed that Edward should marry the French princess Marguerite. The marriage took place in 1299.[177]

Edward and Eleanor had at least fourteen children, perhaps as many as sixteen. Of these, five daughters survived into adulthood, but only one boy outlived Edward – the future King Edward II. For Prince Edward the title of Prince of Wales was restored in 1301; a title that has since been associated with the heir to the English and British crown.[178] Edward I was reportedly concerned with his son's failure to live up the expectations of an heir to the crown, and at one point decided to exile the prince's favourite Piers Gaveston.[179] By Marguerite Edward had two sons, both of whom lived into adulthood, and a daughter who died as a child.[180]

Children by Eleanor of Castile
Name Birth Death Notes
Daughter 1255 1255 Stillborn or died shortly after birth
Katherine 1261/63 5 Sept. 1264 Buried at Westminster Abbey.
Joan Jan. 1265 Shortly bf.
7 Sept. 1265
Buried at Westminster Abbey.
John 13/14 July 1266 3 Aug. 1271 Died at Wallingford, while in the custody of his granduncle, Richard, Earl of Cornwall. Buried at Westminster Abbey.
Henry Shortly bf.
6 May 1268
14/16 Oct. 1274 Buried at Westminster Abbey.
Eleanor c. 18 June 1269 19 Aug. 1298 Married, in 1293, Henry III, Count of Bar, by whom she had two children. Buried at Westminster Abbey.
Daughter 1271 1271 Born, and died, while Edward and Eleanor were in Acre.
Joan 1272 23 Apr. 1307 Married (1) in 1290 Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Hertford, who died in 1295, and (2) in 1297 Ralph de Monthermer. She had four children by Clare, and three or four by Monthermer.
Alphonso 23/24 Nov. 1273 19 Aug. 1284 Buried at Westminster Abbey.
Margaret Probably
15 Mar. 1275
After
11 Mar. 1333
Married John II of Brabant in 1290, with whom she had one son.
Berengaria 1 May 1276 6–27 June 1278 Buried at Westminster Abbey.
Daughter On or soon aft.
3 Jan. 1278
On or soon aft.
3 Jan. 1278
Little evidence exists for this child.
Mary 11/12 Mar. 1279 29 May 1332 A Benedictine nun in Amesbury, Wiltshire, where she was probably buried.
Son 1280/81 1280/81 Little evidence exists for this child.
Elizabeth c. 7 Aug. 1282 5 May 1316 She married (1) in 1297 John I, Count of Holland, (2) in 1302 Humphrey de Bohun, Earl of Hereford. The first marriage was childless; by Bohun Elizabeth had ten children.
Edward 25 Apr. 1284 21 Sept. 1327 Succeeded his father as king of England. In 1308 he married Isabella of France, with whom he had four children.
Children by Marguerite of France
Name Birth Death Notes
Thomas 1 June 1300 Probably
September 1337
Buried in the abbey of Bury St Edmunds. Married (1) Alice Hales, with issue; (2) Mary Brewes, no issue.[181]
Edmund 1 Aug. 1301 19 Mar. 1330 Married Margaret Wake with issue.[182]
Eleanor 6 May 1306 1310 [183]

[edit] Notes

  1. ^ As compared with an average male height of 5 foot 7 inch (170 cm) at the time. 'Longshanks' was used by two contemporary writers[who?] to describe the king.
  2. ^ In the 17th century, the legist Edward Coke wrote[citation needed] that Edward ought to be regarded as 'our Justinian' because of his lawgiving, hence the later soubriquet 'The English Justinian'.
  3. ^ As the sources give the time simply as the night between the 17 and 18 June, we can not know the exact date of Edward’s birth: Morris 2008, p. 2
  4. ^ Carpenter, David (2007). "King Henry III and Saint Edward the Confessor: the origins of the cult". English Historical Review cxxii: pp. 865-91. 
  5. ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 5–6
  6. ^ a b c d e f Prestwich (2004).
  7. ^ Morris 2008, pp. 14–8
  8. ^ Morris 2008, p. 20
  9. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 10
  10. ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 7–8
  11. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 11
  12. ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 11–4
  13. ^ Prestwich 2007, p. 96
  14. ^ Morris 2008, p. 7
  15. ^ Henry III's mother Isabella of Angoulême married Hugh X of Lusignan after the death of King John; Prestwich 2005, p. 94.
  16. ^ Prestwich 2007, p. 95
  17. ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 15–6
  18. ^ Carpenter, David (1985). "The Lord Edward's oath to aid and counsel Simon de Montfort, 15 October 1259". Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 58: 226–37. 
  19. ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 31–2
  20. ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 32–3
  21. ^ Morris 2008, pp. 44–5
  22. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 34
  23. ^ Powicke 1962, pp. 171–2
  24. ^ Maddicott 1994, p. 225
  25. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 41
  26. ^ Prestwich 2007, p. 113
  27. ^ This conflict is often referred to as the Second Barons' War, to distinguish it from the civil war – or the First Barons' War – of 1215–1217.
  28. ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 42–3
  29. ^ Sadler 2008, pp. 55–69
  30. ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 47–8
  31. ^ This was Gilbert de Clare, son of the aforementioned Richard de Clare; Prestwich 1997, pp. 48–9.
  32. ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 49–50
  33. ^ Powicke 1962, pp. 201–2
  34. ^ Sadler 2008, pp. 105–9
  35. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 55
  36. ^ The Dictum restored land to the disinherited rebels, in exchange for a fine decided by their level of involvement in the wars; Prestwich 2007, p. 117
  37. ^ The essential concession was that the disinherited would now be allowed to take possession of their lands before paying the fines; Prestwich 2007, p. 121
  38. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 63
  39. ^ The Eighth Crusade was Louis IX's campaign in Tunisia, while the Ninth Crusade was Edward's expedition to the Holy Land. The two are sometime considered as one crusade.
  40. ^ Morris 2008, pp. 83, 90–2
  41. ^ a b Prestwich 1997, p. 71
  42. ^ a b Prestwich 1997, p. 72
  43. ^ This meant a grant of 1/20 of all movable property.
  44. ^ Maddicott, John (1989). "The Crusade Taxation of 1268-70 and the Development of Parliament". in P. R. Coss & S. D. Lloyd (eds.). Thirteenth Century England II. Woodbridge: Boydell Press. pp. 93–117. ISBN 0851155138. 
  45. ^ Morris 2008, p. 92
  46. ^ Riley-Smith 2005, p. 210
  47. ^ The disease in question was either dysentery or typhus; Riley-Smith 2005, pp. 210–1
  48. ^ Riley-Smith 2005, p. 211
  49. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 75
  50. ^ Morris 2008, p. 95
  51. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 76
  52. ^ Morris 2008, pp. 97–8
  53. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 77
  54. ^ The anecdote of Queen Eleanor saving Edward's life by sucking the poison out of his wound is almost certainly a later fabrication; Prestwich 1997, p. 78
  55. ^ Other accounts of the scene have Eleanor being led away weeping by John de Vescy, and suggest that it was another of Edward's close friends, Otto de Grandson, who attempted the sucking operation; Morris 2008, p. 101
  56. ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 78, 82
  57. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 82
  58. ^ Though no written proof exists, it is assumed that this arrangement was agreed on before Edward's departure; Morris 2008, p. 104
  59. ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 82–5
  60. ^ Powicke 1962, p. 226
  61. ^ Morris 2008, pp. 116–7
  62. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 92
  63. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 93
  64. ^ The few surviving documents from the Hundred Rolls show the vast scope of the project. They are dealt with extensively in: Helen Cam (1963). The Hundred and the Hundred Rolls: An Outline of Local Government in Medieval England (New ed.). London: Merlin Press. 
  65. ^ Morris 2008, p. 115
  66. ^ Among those singled out in particular by the royal justices was the earl of Gloucester, who was seen to have encroached ruthlessly on royal rights over the preceeing years; Sutherland 1963, pp. 146–7
  67. ^ Sutherland 1963, p. 14
  68. ^ Powicke 1962, pp. 378–9
  69. ^ Sutherland 1963, p. 188
  70. ^ Sutherland 1963, p. 149
  71. ^ Brand, Paul (2003). Kings, Barons and Justices: The Making and Enforcement of Legislation in Thirteenth-Century England. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0521372461. 
  72. ^ Plucknett 1949, pp. 29–30
  73. ^ Plucknett 1949, pp. 94–8
  74. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 273
  75. ^ Plucknett 1949, pp. 140–4
  76. ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 280–1
  77. ^ Plucknett 1949, pp. 45, 102–4
  78. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 293
  79. ^ Carpenter 2003, p. 386
  80. ^ Morris 2008, p. 132
  81. ^ Davies 2000, pp. 322–3
  82. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 175
  83. ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 174–5
  84. ^ Davies 2000, p. 327
  85. ^ Powicke 1962, p. 409
  86. ^ Lancaster's post was held by Payne de Chaworth until April; Powicke 1962, p. 409.
  87. ^ Prestwich 2007, p. 150
  88. ^ a b Prestwich 2007, p. 151
  89. ^ Powicke 1962, p. 413
  90. ^ Davies, Rees (1984). "Law and national identity in thirteenth century Wales". in R. R. Davies, R. A. Griffiths, I. G. Jones & K. O. Morgan (eds.). Welsh Society and Nationhood. Cardiff: University of Wales Press. pp. 51–69. ISBN 0708308902. 
  91. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 188
  92. ^ Davies 2000, p. 348
  93. ^ Morris 2008, p. 180
  94. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 191–2
  95. ^ Davies 2000, p. 353
  96. ^ Carpenter 2003, p. 510
  97. ^ Carpenter 2003, p. 511
  98. ^ Davies 2000, p. 368
  99. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 216
  100. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 160
  101. ^ This title became the traditional title of the heir apparent to the English throne. Prince Edward was not born heir apparent, but became so when his older brother Alphonso died in 1284; Prestwich 1997, pp. 126–7.
  102. ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 326–8
  103. ^ Powicke 1962, pp. 252–3
  104. ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 323–5
  105. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 329
  106. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 304
  107. ^ Morris 2008, p. 204–17
  108. ^ Morris 2009, pp. 265–70
  109. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 392
  110. ^ Prestwich estimates the total cost to around £400,000; Prestwich 1972, p. 172
  111. ^ Carpenter 2003, p. 518
  112. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 357
  113. ^ Barrow 1965, pp. 3–4
  114. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 361
  115. ^ Morris 2009, p. 235
  116. ^ Barrow 1965, p. 42
  117. ^ Morris 2009, p. 237
  118. ^ The term is an 18th-century invention; Morris 2008, p. 253
  119. ^ Prestwich 2007, p. 231
  120. ^ Powicke 1962, p. 601
  121. ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 361–3
  122. ^ Barrow 1965, p. 45
  123. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 365
  124. ^ Even though the principle of primogeniture did not necessarily apply to descent through female heirs, there is little doubt that Balliol's claim was the strongest one; Prestwich 1997, pp. 358, 367
  125. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 370
  126. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 371
  127. ^ Barrow 1965, pp. 86–8
  128. ^ Barrow 1965, pp. 88–91, 99
  129. ^ Barrow 1965, pp. 99–100
  130. ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 471–3
  131. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 376
  132. ^ Harriss 1975, p. 49
  133. ^ Brown 1989, pp. 65–6
  134. ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 99–100
  135. ^ Brown 1989, pp. 80–1
  136. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 403
  137. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. plate 14
  138. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 344
  139. ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 344–5
  140. ^ Morris 2008, p. 86
  141. ^ Powicke 1962, p. 322
  142. ^ Morris 2008, pp. 226
  143. ^ Morris 2008, pp. 170–1
  144. ^ Morris 2008, pp. 226–8
  145. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 345; Powicke 1962, p. 513
  146. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 346
  147. ^ Morris 2009, p. 226
  148. ^ Powicke 1962, p. 342
  149. ^ Brown 1989, p. 185
  150. ^ Harriss 1975, pp. 41–2
  151. ^ Brown 1989, p. 70–1
  152. ^ Brown 1989, p. 71
  153. ^ The term was first introduced by William Stubbs; Morris 2008, pp. 283–4
  154. ^ Prestwich 1972, p. 179
  155. ^ Harriss 1975, p. 57
  156. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 403–4
  157. ^ Winchelsey's consecration was held up by the protracted papal election of 1292–94; Powicke 1962, p. 671
  158. ^ Powicke 1962, p. 674
  159. ^ Powicke 1962, p. 675
  160. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 417
  161. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 430
  162. ^ Harry Rothwell, ed (1957). The chronicle of Walter of Guisborough. 89. London: Camden Society. pp. 289–90. . Quoted in Prestwich 1997, p. 416
  163. ^ Prestwich 1972, p. 251
  164. ^ Harriss 1975, p. 61.
  165. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 422
  166. ^ Powicke 1962, p. 682
  167. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 425
  168. ^ Powicke 1962, p. 683
  169. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 427
  170. ^ Prestwich 2007, p. 170
  171. ^ http://www.undiscoveredscotland.co.uk/dumfries/dumfries/
  172. ^ Scott, Ronald McNair, Robert the Bruce, King of the Scots, pp86-92
  173. ^ "EDWARD I (r. 1272-1307)". http://www.royalinsight.gov.uk/output/Page61.asp. Retrieved on 2007-07-08. 
  174. ^ Joel Munsell (1858). The Every Day Book of History and Chronology. D. Appleton & co. 
  175. ^ Marks of Cadency in the British Royal Family
  176. ^ Morris 2008, pp. 230–1
  177. ^ Prestwich 1997, pp. 395–6
  178. ^ Prestwich 1997, p. 226
  179. ^ Powicke 1962, p. 719
  180. ^ The information on Edward's children with Eleanor is based on Parsons, John Carmi (1984). "The Year of Eleanor of Castile's Birth and her Children by Edward I". Medieval Studies XLVI: pp. 245–65. 
  181. ^ Waugh, Scott L. (2004). "Thomas, 1st Earl of Norfolk (1300–1338)". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford: Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/27196. 
  182. ^ Waugh, Scott L. (2004). "Edmund, first earl of Kent (1301–1330)". Edmund, first earl of Kent (1301–1330). Oxford: Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/8506. 
  183. ^ Parsons, John Carmi (2004). "Margaret (1279?–1318)". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford: Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/18046. 

[edit] References

  • Barrow, G. W. S. (1965). Robert Bruce and the Community of the Realm of Scotland. London: Eyre & Spottiswoode. 
  • Brown, A.L. (1989). The Governance of Late Medieval England 1272–1461. London: Edward Arnold. ISBN 0804717303. 
  • Carpenter, David (2003). The Struggle for Mastery: Britain, 1066-1284. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0195220005. 
  • Davies, R. R. (2000). The Age of Conquest: Wales, 1063-1415. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0198208782. 
  • Harriss, G.L. (1975). King, Parliament and Public Finance in Medieval England to 1369. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0198224354. 
  • Maddicott, John (1994). Simon de Montfort. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0521374936. 
  • Morris, Marc (2008). A Great and Terrible King: Edward I and the Forging of Britain (updated ed.). London: Hutchinson. ISBN 9780091796846. 
  • Plucknett, T. F. T. (1949). Legislation of Edward I. Oxford: The Clarendon Press. 
  • Powicke, F. M. (1947). King Henry III and the Lord Edward: The Community of the Realm in the Thirteenth Century. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 
  • Powicke, F. M. (1962). The Thirteenth Century: 1216-1307 (2nd ed.). Oxford: Clarendon Press. 
  • Prestwich, Michael (1972). War, Politics and Finance under Edward I. London: Faber and Faber. ISBN 0571090427. 
  • Prestwich, Michael (1997). Edward I (updated ed.). New Haven: Yale University Press. ISBN 0300072090. 
  • Prestwich, Michael (2004). "Edward I (1239–1307)". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford: Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/8517. 
  • Prestwich, Michael (2007). Plantagenet England: 1225-1360 (new ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0198228449. 
  • Raban, Sandra (2000). England under Edward I and Edward II. Oxford: Blackwell. ISBN 0631203575. 
  • Jonathan, Riley-Smith (2005). The Crusades: A History. London: Continuum. ISBN 0826472699. 
  • Sadler, John (2008). The Second Barons' War: Simon de Motfort and the Battles of Lewes and Evesham. Barnsley: Pen & Sword Military. ISBN 1844158314. 
  • Stubbs, William (ed.) (1882–1883). Chronicles of the Reigns of Edward I and Edward II. London: Longman. 
  • Sutherland, Donald (1963). Quo Warranto Proceedings in the Reign of Edward I, 1278-1294. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 
  • Watson, Fiona J. (1998). Under the Hammer: Edward I and the Throne of Scotland, 1286-1307. East Linton: Tuckwell Press. ISBN 1862320314. 

[edit] External links

Edward I of England
Born: 17 June 1239 Died: 7 July 1307
Regnal titles
Preceded by
Henry III
King of England
Lord of Ireland

1272 – 1307
Succeeded by
Edward II
English royalty
Preceded by
Richard, 1st Earl of Cornwall
Heir to the English Throne
as heir apparent

17 June 1239 - 20 November 1272
Succeeded by
Henry of England
Titles of nobility
Preceded by
Matthew de Hastings
Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports
1265
Succeeded by
Sir Matthew de Bezille
French nobility
Preceded by
Henry III
Duke of Aquitaine
1272 – 1307
Succeeded by
Edward II
Family information
John of England
House of Plantagenet
Henry III of England Edward I of England
Isabella of Angoulême
House of Taillifer
Ramon Berenguer IV of Provence
House of Barcelona
Eleanor of Provence
Beatrice of Savoy
House of Savoy


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