User:Marcelus/sandbox8

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Currently, apart from Poland, Lithuania is the only country in the world where citizens have access to education in Polish from kindergarten to university. Lithuania has the following number of school facilities with the Polish language of instruction (data as of 2018):

  • kindergartens: 719
  • primary schools: 19
  • gymnasiums (secondary schools): 37
  • pro-gymnasiums: 1
  • multi-purpose centre schools: 519
  • special schools: 1

The project of Polish autonomy in the Vilnius Region was created among the Polish minority in Lithuania in 1988, when that country was regaining its independence from the Soviet Union. This project never gained full support from the Lithuanian authorities, nor implemented from the bottom up. it was partially implemented in the form of grassroots declarations in the form of the Polish National-Territorial Country established in 1990. Various circles put forward various detailed postulates regarding the shape of this autonomy, e.g. its borders. The common point was the idea of including all communes with a majority of Polish population, as well as the equal status of the Polish language in its area. Radical, marginal environments called for the region to withdraw from Lithuania.

In independent Lithuania[edit]

Grey: Areas with majority Polish population in Lithuania as of early 2000s. Red: 1920–1939 Polish-Lithuanian border
  • May 5, 1988 - establishment of Socio-Cultural Association of Poles in Lithuania (SSKPL), which focused on cultural and educational activities.[1]
  • June 3, 1988 - establishment of Sąjūdis
  • October 6, 1988 - resolution on the status of language adopted by the Supreme Soviet of the Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic[2]
  • December 17, 1988 - Sąjūdis sets up Lithuanian International Coordinatory Association in order to deal with ethnic minority matters. Poles are represented by Jan Sienkiewicz and Artur Płokszto, SSKPL left it in May 1989[3]
  • December 28, 1988 - The municipality of Suderwa declares itself a Polish national municipality, and 16 of the 24 councils in the Vilnius region and 14 of the 15 in Šalčininkai follow suit within a few months.
  • January 25, 1989 - Language Law is adopted, enterprises, organizations and institutions must switch to Lithuanian within two years[2][4] Lithuanian was recognized as the only state language, only toponyms could be written with it, only it could be used at meetings of local government bodies, in courts and offices. With a transitional period provided.[5] Nine municipal councils (Awiżany, Bujwidze, Grygajcie, Ławaryszki, Miedniki, Mickuny, Suderwa, Niemenczyn, Rudomino) issued a protest against the nationalization of the language in the proposed form, but the protest was ignored.[6]
  • February 15, 1989 - Sąjūdis adopts a declaration on the pursuit of Lithuanian self-determination
  • February 23, 1989 - Gorbachev, in a speech in Kiev, mentions the possibility of establishing autonomous units within the republics of the USSR[7]
  • April 15-16, 1989 - 1st Congress of SSKP, organisation was transformed into Union of Poles in Lithuania[8]. The new organization withdrew from the Lithuanian Culture Fund, not wanting to be in the same struture as Vilnija.[9]
  • 12 May 1989, the 1st Congress of Deputies of the Vilnius Region (128 deputies from Šalčininkai, Ežišiškės and Nemenčinė and from 27 municipal councils of Šalčininkai, Vilnius and Švenčionys districts) was organised in Mickuny village and decided to establish the Coordination Council for the Establishment of the Polish Autonomous Region (65 persons, 5-person presidium)[10]
  • 22 June 1989 - the Presidium of the Supreme Council of the LSSR issued a statement declaring that the establishment of autonomous regions is unconstitutional
  • 12 July 1989, in the village of Rukojnie, the Coordination Council prepared an autonomy project, which was presented to the LSSR Supreme Council. The composition of the autonomy included the Vilnius and Šalčininkai regions, as well as municipalities in the Trakai, Švenčionys and Širvintai regions, where Poles were in the majority. The state languages were to be Lithuanian and Polish, and Russian was to be the "contact" language.[11]
  • 6 September 1989 - the Šalčininkai District Council announced the establishment of the Polish National-Territorial District in its territory (50 "for" and 14 "against")[12]
  • November 15, 1989, the district council of the Vilnius region in Nemenčinė adopted a similar resolution. Of the 113 councilors present, 109 voted in favorm four abstained
  • November 17, 1989, establishment of Lithuanian-Polska Association
  • 21 November 1989, Presidium of LSSR Supreme Council cancelled both resolutions
  • February 12, 1990, the Supreme Council of the LSSR adopted a new law on local self-government that did not include Poland's proposed right to a local referendum, and gave the Supreme Council the right to dissolve local government for "anti-constitutional activity" and the introduction of receiverships
  • February 12, 1990, elections to the Supreme Council, half of the 133 half of the seats was won by Sajudis, ZPL won seats: Stanisław Pieszko, Stanisław Akanowicz, Edward Tomaszewicz, Ryszard Maciejkianiec, Leon Jankielewicz, Walentyna Subocz; Romuald Rudzys (CPL) and independent Zbigniew Balcewicz; supported by Sajudis were Czesław Okińczyc and M. Czobot
  • March 11, 1990, independence declaration
  • May 15, 1990, the newly elected Council of the Šalčininkai District with Czesław Wysocki, a member of the Communist Party of Lithuania, upheld the resolution of September 6, 1989, the district was to be officially called: the Šalčininkai Polish National-Territorial District of the Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic[13]
  • May 24, 1990, the council of the Local Government of Vilnius Region, led by Brodawski, also upheld the decision to create a national region, but recognized by an act of March 11 that the territory of Lithuania is "integral and indivisible"[14]
  • June 1, 1990, village of Zawiszańce, Second Congress of Deputies of the Vilnius Region, new Coordinating Council, call for creation of autonomy[15]
  • October 6, 1990, the second round of the Second Congress of Deputies of Local Government Councils in Eišiškės, two projects clashed. First: autonomy in the nature of a self-governing territorial unit, grouping all lands with a Polish majority, proposed by Ryszard Maciejkianiec, secretary of the ZPL. And the second project (Kucewicz, Ciechanowicz) was the proclamation of the Autonomous Polish Vilnius Country with the status of a republic within the USSR. Later Ciechanowicz proposed a compromise project: the declaration of territorial autonomy as part of Lithuania, was adopted. Only if this proposal was not accepted by Lithuania would autonomy be proclaimed as part of the USSR. If this project also failed to gain support in Moscow, autonomy was to be proclaimed at the next congress as part of Poland.[16] Proposals for a joint Russian-Polish front in defense of socialism and the integrity of the USSR, proposed by the Estonian delegate, as well as a post-Moscow Polish military jendost were rejected.[17] In the end, another option prevailed, proposed by the president of ZPL Jan Mincewicz: the creation of the Polish National-Territorial Country as a part of Lithuania, A draft law on its establishment was written and sent to the Supreme Council for consideration. The country was to include the Vilnius and Šalčininkai regions, moreover, in the Święciany region, the town and commune of Podbrodzie, the Moguny commune, in the Trakai region: Połuknie, Trakai, Stare Traki and Karaciszki, and in the Szyrvinca region, the commune of Jawniuny.[18]
  • December 21, 1990, the General Prosecutor's Office of the Republic of Lithuania recognized the actions for autonomy as unlawful, threatened with criminal liability and the dissolution of the local government bodies undertaking them.[19]
  • January 29, 1991, the Supreme Council adopted an amendment to the law on minorities, taking into account a number of postulates put forward by Poles, including in the field of mother tongue, education, and ensuring a new administrative division that takes national divisions into account. The latter postulate was never realized. And after Lithuania actually regained its independence on September 4, 1991, the district councils of Vilnius and Šalčininkai were dissolved.[20]
  • May 21, 1991,
  • May 22, 1991, The third stage of the 2nd Congress took place in the village of Mościszki. The capital of the autonomy (Nowa Wilejka), the anthem (Rota), the white and red flag as a flag, the equality of the Polish and Russian languages with Lithuanian in the administration were established. It was postulated that the competences of local authorities in the field of culture and education should be given priority. The area of autonomy was estimated to be 4,930 square kilometers, with 215,000 inhabitants, of which 66% would be Poles.[21]

In Lithuanian society at that time there was a belief that the movement for autonomy was inspired from Moscow or even created by the KGB in order to limit Lithuania's separatist aspirations or detach part of its territory from it.[22] Moscow sought to create a so-called 'Interfront' in Lithuania, following the example of other Baltic states, which would unite national minorities against the titular majority, in order to destabilise the country. However, these efforts were unsuccessful, Lithuania being the only Baltic country where the creation of an Interfront did not take place. ZPL never established cooperation with Yendistvo.[23] The autonomous movement included people who supported the Soviet system, as well as low-level activists of the communist party. Nevertheless, they were a minority, and the movement itself sought autonomy within Lithuania.[24] The communist party showed no support for autonomous aspirations.[25] Also, the Kremlin did not support the autonomous movement directly, apart from general declarations of support for the autonomous movements in the union republics of the USSR or instrumental attempts to put pressure on the Lithuanian authorities.

1990-2000[edit]

When Lithuania declared its independence from the Soviet Union in 1990 large part of the Polish minority, still remembering the 1950s attempts to ban Polish,[26] was afraid that the independent Lithuanian government might want to reintroduce the Lithuanization policies. Furthermore, some Lithuanian nationalists, notably the Vilnija organization which was founded in 1988, considered eastern Lithuania's inhabitants as Polonized Lithuanians.[27] Due to their view of ethnicity as primordial, they argued that the Lithuanian state should work to restore their "true" identity.[27] Although, many Poles in Lithuania do have Lithuanian ancestry, they considered themselves ethnically Polish.[28]

According to the historian Alfred E. Senn, the Polish minority was divided into three main groups: Vilnius' inhabitants supported Lithuanian independence, the residents of Vilnius' southeastern districts and Šalčininkai were pro-Soviet, while the third group scattered throughout the country did not have a clear position.[29] According to surveys from the spring of 1990, 47% of Poles in Lithuania supported the pro-Soviet Communist party (in contrast to 8% support among ethnic Lithuanians), while 35% supported Lithuanian independence.[26]

In November 1988, Yedinstvo (literally "Unity"), a pro-Soviet movement that was against Lithuanian independence, was formed.[30] Two Polish representatives of this party were elected to the Soviet Congress of People's Deputies in April 1989 (Jan Ciechanowicz and Anicet Brodawski). Under Polish leadership and with Soviet support, the regional authorities in Vilnius and Šalčininkai region declared an autonomous region, the Polish National Territorial Region.[31] The same Polish politicians later voiced support for the Soviet coup attempt of 1991 in Moscow.[31] Yedinstvo collapsed after the failure of the GKChP in the 1991 Soviet coup d'état attempt, which doomed any prospect of a return to Soviet rule.[30] Simultaneously, after the August Coup's failure, the Polish autonomous region was immediately declared illegal by the Lithuanian government, which instituted direct rule in those areas, thus causing resentment among some residents.[32][31] The Government of Poland, however, never supported the autonomist tendencies of the Polish minority in Lithuania.[citation needed]. Yedinstvo lost influence after the August 1991 Coup and since then it's inactive.

In April 1989, another more moderate organization of Lithuanian Poles, the Association of Poles in Lithuania (Polish: Związek Polaków na Litwie, ZPL), was established. Its first leader was Jan Sienkiewicz.[33] ZPL supported 1991 Lithuanian independence referendum. On 29 January 1991, Lithuanian government granted minorities right of schooling in their native language and use of it in official institutions.[34] Nonetheless, still no Polish person was included in the central government, also local governments in Polish-speaking regions were suspended after some of its leaders backed August 1991 Coup, and in their place governors were appointed.[citation needed] In addition, a new Citizenship Law was enacted in December 1991, that granted citizenship to every person that lived in eastern Lithuania before 1940, if they didn't have citizenship of another country, thus excluding most Polish persons that emigrated to Poland after the war.[35]

Such a situation caused an international uproar and tension in Polish-Lithuanian relations.[34] Eventually, direct rule was lifted and local elections were organised in December 1992.[36] The ZPL also strengthened its attitude, demanding that the Polish minority be granted a number of rights, such as the establishment of a Polish university, increasing the rights of the Polish language, increasing subsidies from the central budget, and others.[37] ZPL took part in the 1992 parliamentary elections winning 2.07% of the votes and four seats in Seimas.

In 1994, Lithuanian parliament limited participation in local elections to political parties, which forced ZPL to establish Electoral Action for Lithuanian Poles (Polish: Akcja Wyborcza Polaków na Litwie, AWPL). AWPL quickly dominated local political scene. In January 1995 new Language Law was enacted which required representatives of local institutions to know Lithuanian language, also all secondary schools were required to teach Lithuanian.

Another source of conflict was the memory of World War II. Immediately after independence, former members of the Home Army established a veterans' club, but the Lithuanian courts refused to register it. It succeeded only in 1995 under the name of the Polish War Veterans' Club. It was not until 2004, after Lithuania joined the European Union, that the court allowed registration under the name of the Home Army Veterans' Club. Many Lithuanians viewed the Home Army as an anti-Lithuanian organization that committed crimes against the civilian population and had fought for Vilnius' inclusion in post-war Poland, while Poles saw the Home Army as a patriotic, anti-fascist organization.[38]

Polish-Lithuanian relations eased only in 1994, when both countries signed a treaty of good neighborhood.[39] The treaty protected rights of Polish minority in Lithuania and Lithuanian minority in Poland.[40] It also defined nationality as a matter of individual choice, which was contrary to the definition popular among Lithuanian nationalists, and even to the definition given in Lithuania's National Minorities Right Law of 1989, which defined nationality as something inherited. The Treaty defined that to the Polish ethinic minority belongs persons who have Lithuanian citizenship, are of Polish origin or consider themselves to belong to the Polish nationality, culture and traditions as well as viewing the Polish language as their native language.[41]

The situation of the Polish minority assumed international significance again in 1995 after the publication of a Council of Europe report prepared by a commission headed by György Frunda (the so-called "Frunda Report"), which criticized Lithuanian policy toward the Polish minority, particularly the lack of recognition of the Polish university.[42] However, this did not significantly affect Lithuanian politics. In 1996, the special provisions that made an entry of ethno-political parties parliament easier were removed, and from then on they had to meet the usual electoral threshold. The restoration of property lost during the communist period was also a burning issue, which was implemented very slowly in the lands inhabited by Poles. Poles protested against the expansion of Vilnius' borders.[43]

After 2000[edit]

Current[when?] tensions arise regarding Polish education and the spelling of names. The United States Department of State stated, in a report issued in 2001, that the Polish minority had issued complaints concerning its status in Lithuania, and that members of the Polish Parliament criticized the government of Lithuania over alleged discrimination against the Polish minority.[44] In recent years[when?], the Lithuanian government budgets 40,000 litas (~€10,000) for the needs of the Polish minority (out of the 2 million Eur budget of the Department of National Minorities).[45] In 2006 Polish Foreign Minister Stefan Meller asserted that Polish educational institutions in Lithuania are severely underfunded.[46] Similar concerns were voiced in 2007 by a Polish parliamentary commission.[47] According to a report issued by the European Union Fundamental Rights Agency in 2004, Poles in Lithuania were the second least-educated minority group in Lithuania.[48] The branch of the University of Białystok in Vilnius educates mostly members of the Polish minority.

A report by the Council of Europe, issued in 2007, stated that on the whole, minorities were integrated quite well into the everyday life of Lithuania. The report expressed a concern with Lithuanian nationality law, which contains a right of return clause.[49] The citizenship law was under discussion during 2007; it was deemed unconstitutional on 13 November 2006.[50] A proposed constitutional amendment would allow the Polish minority in Lithuania to apply for Polish passports.[51] Several members of the Lithuanian Seimas, including Gintaras Songaila [lt] and Andrius Kubilius, publicly stated that two members of the Seimas who represent Polish minority there (Waldemar Tomaszewski and Michal Mackiewicz) should resign, because they accepted the Karta Polaka.[52]

Lithuanian constitutional law stipulates that everyone (not only Poles) who has Lithuanian citizenship and resides within the country has to write their name in the Lithuanian alphabet and according to the Lithuanian pronunciation; for example, the name Kleczkowski has to be spelled Klečkovski in official documents.[53][54][55][56] Poles who registered for Lithuanian citizenship after dissolution of the Soviet Union were forced to accept official documents with Lithuanian versions of their names.[57] On April 24, 2012 the European Parliament accepted for further consideration the petition (number 0358/2011) submitted by a Tomasz Snarski about the language rights of Polish minority, in particular about enforced Lithuanization of Polish surnames.[58][59]

Representatives of the Lithuanian government demanded removal of illegally placed Polish names of the streets in Maišiagala, Raudondvaris, Riešė and Sudervė as by a Lithuanian law, all the street name signs must be in a state language.[60][61] as by constitutional law all names have to be in Lithuanian. Tensions have been reported between the Lithuanian Roman Catholic clergy and its Polish parishioniers in Lithuania.[62][63][64] The Seimas voted against foreign surnames in Lithuanian passports.[65]

The situation is further escalated by extremist[why?] groups on both sides. Lithuanian extremist[neutrality is disputed] nationalist organization Vilnija[32][66][67][68] seeks the Lithuanization[further explanation needed][how?] of Poles living in Eastern Lithuania.[26] The former Polish Ambassador to Lithuania, Jan Widacki, has criticised some Polish organizations in Lithuania as being far-right and nationalist.[69] Jan Sienkiewicz has criticized Jan Widacki.[70]

In late May 2008, the Association of Poles in Lithuania issued a letter, addressed to Lithuania's government, complaining about anti-minority (primarily, anti-Polish) rhetoric in media, citing upcoming parliamentary elections as a motive, and asking for better treatment of the ethnic minorities. The association has also filed a complaint with the Lithuanian prosecutor, asking for investigation of the issue.[71][72][73]

Lithuania has not ratified the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages.[74] 60,000 Poles have signed a petition against an education system reform. A school strike was declared and suspended.[75]

The Law on Ethnic Minorities lapsed in 2010.[76]

In 2014 Šalčininkai District Municipality administrative director Bolesław Daszkiewicz was fined about €12,500 for failure to execute a court ruling to remove Lithuanian-Polish street signs.[77] Lucyna Kotłowska was fined €1,700 for the same offense.[78]

Difficulties of the Polish minority[edit]

Discrimination[edit]

See also: Lithuanization

There are opinions[by whom?] in some Polish media that the Polish minority in Lithuania is facing discrimination. As mentioned above, Petition 0358/2011 on language rights of Poles living in Lithuania was filed with the European Parliament in 2011.[79] Polish Election Action in Lithuania claimed that the education legislation is discriminatory.[80] In 2011, former Polish President Lech Wałęsa criticized the government of Lithuania over its alleged discrimination against the Polish minority.[81]

As of 2018 Lithuania continued to enforce the Lithuanized[clarification needed] spelling of surnames of Poles in Lithuania, with some exceptions, in spite of the 1994 Polish-Lithuanian agreement,[82] Lithuanian legislative system and the Constitution, see section "Surnames" for details.

The refusal of Lithuanian authorities to install bilingual road signs (against the legislative base of Lithuania) in areas densely populated by Lithuanian Poles is at times described by the Electoral Action of Poles in Lithuania and some Polish media as linguistic discrimination.[80] The removal of illegally-placed Polish or bilingual street signs was enforced, however, some viewed this as discrimination.[83][84]

Name/surname spelling[edit]

The official spelling of the all non-Lithuanian (hence Polish) name in a person's passport is governed by the 31 January 1991 Resolution of the Supreme Council of Lithuania No. I-1031 "Concerning name and surname spelling in the passport of the citizen of the Republic of Lithuania". There are the following options. The law says, in part:[85]

2. In the passport of a citizen of the Republic of Lithuania, the first name and surname of persons of non-Lithuanian origin shall be spelt in Lithuanian. On the citizen's request in writing, the name and surname can be spelt in the order established as follows:

a) according to pronunciation and without grammatisation (i.e. without Lithuanian endings) or b) according to pronunciation alongside grammatisation (i.e. adding Lithuanian endings).

3. The names and surnames of the persons, who have already possessed citizenship of other State, shall be written according to the passport of the State or an equivalent document available in the passport of the Republic of Lithuania on its issue.

This resolution was challenged in 1999 in the Constitutional Court upon a civil case of a person of Polish ethnicity who requested his name to be entered in the passport in Polish. The Constitutional Court upheld the 1991 resolution. At the same time, it was stressed out citizen's rights to spell their name whatever they like in areas "not linked with the sphere of use of the state language pointed out in the law".[86]

In 2022, the Seimas passed a law allowing members of ethnic minorities to use the full Latin alphabet, including q, w and x, letters which are not considered part of the Lithuanian alphabet, but not characters with diacritics (such as ł and ä), in their legal name if they declare their status as an ethnic minority and prove that their ancestors used that name. In response, several ethnically Polish Lithuanian politicians changed their legal names to be closer to the Polish spelling, most notably Justice Minister Ewelina Dobrowolska (formerly spelled "Evelina Dobrovolska"), but requests for name changes from the general population were low.[87][88]

References[edit]

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Bibliography[edit]

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