User:Physis/Shamanhood

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Term “shamanism” suggests bad connotations: no systematized ideology in the sense as in other ism's. Intertwined freely with surrounding ideology. The term “shamanhood” can be proposed to the analogy of witchhood.[1] Maybe there were pure "shamansitic" societies in the past, but we have only vague hints what they could be like. Recent shamanhood is fragmented, not an ism.[2]

The old-new term “shamanhood”, the term proposed by Juha Pentikäinen and some other researchers in shamanism (e.g. Hoppál) for emphasizing the considerations described above occurs also in the scientific literature, even in titles (two book titles: Shamanhood and Shamanhood, Symbolism, and Epic, both by Juha Pentikäinen), and even in a conference name (Shamanhood: The Endangered Language of Ritual), out of three reasons:

Historical
Term “shamanhood” corresponds better with the terms for shamanism in the old (early XXth century) sources: Russian “шаманство”, German “Schamanentum”.[3]
Diversity
the above term, both in the old sources and in the revitalized usafe, stresses more the diversity of the local variants.[3]
Otherness
Both Hoppál and Juha Pentikäinen stresses that shamanism is not a religion in the modern sense. For example because it is linked closer to everyday life, etc. [1] Hoppál uses the same term sometimes also for the Hungarian variants.[4]

A summary article about the term can be read in [2].

Mihály Hoppál also discusses whether the term “shamanism” is appropriate. He recommends using the term “shamanhood”[5] or “shamanship”[6] for stressing the diversity and the specific features of the discussed cultures. This is a term used in old Russian and German ethnographic reports at the beginning of the 20th century. He believes that this term is less general and places more stress on the local variations,[7] and it emphasizes also that shamanism is not a religion of sacred dogmas, but linked to the everyday life in a practical way.[8] Following similar thoughts, he also conjectures a contemporary paradigm shift.[5] Also Piers Vitebsky mentions, that despite really astonishing similarities, there is no unity in shamanism. The various, fragmented shamanistic practices and beliefs coexist with other beliefs everywhere. There is no record of pure shamanistic societies (although, as for the past, their existence is not impossible).[9]

See books and small online materials on this topic.[3]

Epistemological questions[edit]

We have already seen that "the" samans is not the priest of a religion. But does "shamansims" consinst solely out of the knowledge of the shaman? How is this knowledge dispered in the comunity?

And, more important, what is the knowledge of a shamans like at all?

A particular eample for provoking questions: how can a shaman achieve any ecological management, as he/she is not a scientist? Now, let us address such problems? What is the knowledge of a shaman? What is science?

Knowledge[edit]

The shaman and the community[edit]

The shaman is not always the only person in a community who knows the beliefs and motifs related to the local shamanhood (laics know myths as well, among Barasana, even though less;[10] there are former shaman apprentices unable to complete the learning among some Greenlandic Inuit peoples,[11] moreover, even laics can have trance-like experiences among Eskimos;[12] the assistant of a shaman can be extremely knowledgable among Oroqen[13][14]). Although the shaman is often believed and trusted exactly because he/she "accommodates" to the "grammar" of the beliefs of the community,[15] but several parts of the knowledge related to the local shamanhood consist of personal experiences of the shaman (illness), or root in his/her family life (the interpretation of the symbolics of his/her drum),[16] thus, these are lost with his/her death.

In some cultures, the border between the shaman and the lay person is not sharp:

The difference is that the shaman knows more myths and understands their meaning better, but the majority of adult men knows many myths, too.[10]

Similar can be observed among some Eskimo peoples. The boundary between shaman and lay person was not always clearly demarcated. Non-shamans could also experience hallucinations,[17][18] and almost every Eskimo can report memories of ghosts, animals in human form, or little people living in remote places.[19] Experiences such as hearing voices from ice or stones were discussed as readily as everyday hunting adventures.[20] Neither were trance-like states the monopoly of shamans, and laic people (non-shamans) experiencing such were welcome as well to report their experiences and interpretations.[21] The ability to have and command helping spirits was characteristic of shamans, but laic people could also profit from spirit powers through the use of amulets. In one extreme instance a Netsilingmiut child had eighty amulets for protection.[22][23] Some laic people had a greater capacity than others for close relationships with special beings of the belief system; these people were often apprentice shamans who failed to complete their learning process.[24]

Many laic people have felt experiences that are usually attributed to the shamans of those Eskimo groups: experiencing daydreaming, reverie, trance is not restricted to shamans.[12] It is the control over helping spirits that is characteristic mainly to shamans, the laic people use amulets, spells, formulae, songs.[25][26] In Greenland among some Inuit, there are laic people who may have the capability to have closer relationships with beings of the belief system than others. These people are apprentice shamans who failed to accomplish their learning process.[11]

The assistant of an Oroqen shaman (called jardalanin, i.e. "second spirit") knows many things about the associated beliefs: he/she accompanies the rituals, interprets the behavior of the shaman.[14] Despite of this, the jardalanin is not a shaman. For his/her interpretative, accompanying role, it would be even unwelcome to fall into trance.[13]

The way shamans get sustenance and take part in everyday life varies among cultures. In many Eskimo groups, they provide services for the community and get a “due payment” (some cultures believe the payment is given to the helping spirits[27]), but these goods are only “welcome addenda.” They are not enough to enable shamanizing as a full-time activity. Shamans live like any other member of the group, as hunter or housewife.[27][28]

Cognitive, semiotic, hermeneutic approaches[edit]

As mentioned, a (debated) approach explains the etymology of word “shaman” as meaning “one who knows”.[29][30] Really, the shaman is a person who is an expert in keeping together the multiple codes through which this complex belief system appears, and has a comprehensive view on it in his/her mind with certainty of knowledge.[31] The shaman uses (and the audience understands) multiple codes. Shamans express meanings in many ways: verbally, musically, artistically, and in dance. Meanings may be manifested in objects, such as amulets.[32]

The shaman knows the culture of his/her community well,[33][15] and acts accordingly. Thus, his/her audience knows the used symbols and meanings — that's why shamanism can be efficient: people in the audience trust it.[15] Such belief system can appear to its members with certainty of knowledge — this explains the above described etymology for the word “shaman”.[34]

Sami shaman with his drum

There are semiotic theoretical approaches to shamanism,[35][36][37] (“ethnosemiotics”). The symbols on the shaman's costume and drum can refer to animals (as helping spirits), or the rank of the shaman. There were also examples of “mutually opposing symbols”, distinguishing “white” shamans practicing at day contacting sky spirits, and “black” shamans practicing at night contacting evil spirits for bad aims.[38]

Series of such opposing symbols referred to a world-view behind them. Analogously to the way grammar arranges words to express meanings and convey a world, also this formed a cognitive map.[39][40] Shaman's lore is rooted in the folklore of the community, which provides a “mythological mental map”.[41][42] Juha Pentikäinen uses the concept “grammar of mind”.[43] Linking to a Sami example, Kathleen Osgood Dana writes:[44]

.

Some approaches refer to hermeneutics,[45] “ethnohermeneutics”,[40] as coined and introduced by Armin Geertz. The term can be extended: Hoppál includes not only the interpretation of oral or written texts, but also that of “visual texts as well (including motions, gestures and more complex ritual, and ceremonies performed for instance by shamans)”.[46] It can not only reveal the animistic views hiding behind shamanism, but also convey their relevance for the recent world, where ecological problems made paradigms about balance and protection valid.[47]

Ecological approaches, systems theory[edit]

Other fieldworks use systems theory concepts and ecological considerations to understand the shaman's lore. Desana and Tucano Indians have developed a sophisticated symbolism and concepts of “energy” flowing between people and animals in cyclic paths. Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff relates these concepts to the changes how modern science (systems theory, ecology, some new approaches in anthropology and archeology) treats causality in a less linear way.[48] He suggests also a cooperation of modern science and indigenous lore.[49]

Other remarks[edit]

According to Vladimir Basilov and his work Chosen By the Spirits, a shaman is to be in the utmost healthy conditions to perform their duties to the fullest. The belief of the shaman is most popular through the people located in Central Asia and Kazakhstan. The traditions of the shamanism is also imbedded in the Tadzhiks and Uzbeks regions. The shaman’s bodies are to be formed in a strong manner, someone having a small build would be turned away at once. Age is a requirement as well, definitely being over the age of fifty would disqualify those that want to be involved in serving the spirits. The shamans are always of the higher intellect and are looked at in a different perspective, they have a way that makes them quick on their feet and at ill will curing those in need.

One of the most significant and relevant qualities that separate a shaman from other spiritual leaders is their communications with the supernatural world. As early as the beginning of the century self-hypnosis was very highly thought of by those who worship. Another characteristic of the shaman is the talent to locate objects and discover thieves, shocking those of their tribe and those others also around to witness. The belief in the spirits or the supernatural is what attracts those to believe in the shamans. Those who have ill children or are in failing health of their own is what draws them to the shaman spiritual healings. Although the shamans are still in existence, the population is surely declining.[50]

Philosophy of science[edit]

You mentioned a shaman is not a scientist. I suppose (from Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff's book) he simply uses his phronesis, establishes practical rules (restricts exploitation if it seems that searching of resource begins to require longer and longer times), and there are patterns of restrictions embedded in the tradition. Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff also mentions the possiblity of abstraction and philospohy,[51] use of model, exact knowledge of ecological and physiological causes behind the mythological explanation.[52]

Calendar among hunter-gatherers[edit]

As for tradition, his example, the association of hunting seasons of various species to the visibility of their corresponding constellations, surely enables even an oral culture to manage a seasonal pattern of arranging restrictions and exploitation. The ways hunter-gather peoples mimic a written calendar are marvelous: clever associations of signs (appearance or disappearance of various species, constellations etc.) to seasons, see also linking signs to astronomy among Australian Aborigines,[53] also their "speaking" month names,[54] speaking month names alre noteworthy also among Siberian Yupik[55] and Caribou Eskimo[56] in all three cases, these "speaking" month names are referring to clues of natural phenomena.

Algebra of kinship[edit]

About the way abstraction can be present or lack among hunter-gatherers, see Elkin about the genious solution for making two different kinship systems compatible, e.g. on occasions of corroboree[57] (despite of minimalistic number concept[58]).


Notes[edit]

  1. ^ Vitebsky 1996: 161
  2. ^ Vitebsky 1996: 11
  3. ^ a b c Hoppál 2005: 15 Cite error: The named reference "shamanhood" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
  4. ^ Hoppál 1998
  5. ^ a b ISSR, 2001 Summer, abstract online in 2nd half of 2nd paragraph)
  6. ^ Hoppál 2006a: 14
  7. ^ Hoppál 2005: 15
  8. ^ Hoppál 1998: 40
  9. ^ Vitebsky 1996: 11
  10. ^ a b Stephen Hugh-Jones 1980: 32
  11. ^ a b Kleivan & Sonne 1985: 24
  12. ^ a b Cite error: The named reference Mer-BecHalfHid was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  13. ^ a b Noll & Shi 2004: 8–9
  14. ^ a b Noll & Shi 2004: 10, footnote 10
  15. ^ a b c Hoppál 2005: 25–26, 43
  16. ^ Hoppál 2005: 224
  17. ^ Merkur 1985:41–42
  18. ^ Gabus 1970:18,122
  19. ^ Merkur 1985:41
  20. ^ Gabus 1970:203
  21. ^ Freuchen 1961: 210–211
  22. ^ Kleivan & Sonne:43
  23. ^ Rasmussen 1965:262
  24. ^ Kleivan & Sonne 1985:24
  25. ^ Merkur 1985
  26. ^ Kleivan & Sonne 1985: 8–10
  27. ^ a b Merkur 1985: 3
  28. ^ Kleivan & Sonne 1985: 24
  29. ^ Hoppál 2005: 14
  30. ^ Diószegi 1962:13
  31. ^ Hoppál 2005: 15
  32. ^ Hoppál 2005: 14
  33. ^ Boglár 2001:24
  34. ^ Hoppál 2004:14
  35. ^ Hoppál 2005: 13–15, 58, 197
  36. ^ Hoppál 2006a: 11
  37. ^ Hoppál 2006b: 175
  38. ^ Hoppál 2007c: 24–25
  39. ^ Hoppál 2005: 15
  40. ^ a b Cite error: The named reference nature_worship was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  41. ^ Hoppál 2007b: 12–13
  42. ^ Hoppál 2007c: 25
  43. ^ Hoppál 2007c: 25
  44. ^ Dana 2004: 18 (see online)
  45. ^ Merkur 1985:v
  46. ^ Hoppál 2007b: 13
  47. ^ Hoppál 2007c: 25
  48. ^ Cite error: The named reference eco was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  49. ^ Reichel-Dolmatoff 1999:279–280 (see online)
  50. ^ Shamanic Worlds: Rituals and Lore of Siberia and Central Asia
  51. ^ Reichel-Dolmatoff 1997a: 8
  52. ^ Reichel-Dolmatoff 1997a: 18
  53. ^ Elkin 1986: 40–41
  54. ^ Elkin 1986: 41—43
  55. ^ Меновщиков 1962: 94 (= § 65)
  56. ^ :Gabus 1970: 172–173
  57. ^ Elkin 1986: 62
  58. ^ Elkin 1986: 181–182

References[edit]

  • Hoppál, Mihály (1998). "A honfoglalók hitvilága és a magyar samanizmus". Folklór és közösség (in Hungarian). Budapest: Széphalom Könyvműhely. pp. 40–45. ISBN 963 9028 142. The title means “The belief system of Hungarians when they entered the Pannonian Basin, and their shamanism”.
  • Hoppál, Mihály (2005). Sámánok Eurázsiában (in Hungarian). Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó. ISBN 963-05-8295-3. The title means “Shamans in Eurasia”, the book is published also in German, Estonian and Finnish. Site of publisher with short description on the book (in Hungarian).
  • Hoppál, Mihály (2006a). "Sámánok, kultúrák és kutatók az ezredfordulón". In Hoppál, Mihály & Szathmári, Botond & Takács, András (ed.). Sámánok és kultúrák. Budapest: Gondolat. pp. 9–25. ISBN 963 9450 286.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: editors list (link) The chapter title means “Shamans, cultures and researchers in the millenary”, the book title means “Shamans and cultures”.
  • Vitebsky, Piers (1995). The Shaman (Living Wisdom). Duncan Baird.
  • Vitebsky, Piers (1996). A sámán. Bölcsesség • hit • mítosz (in Hungarian). Budapest: Magyar Könyvklub • Helikon Kiadó. ISBN 963 208 361 X. Translation of Vitebsky 1995
  • Vitebsky, Piers (2001). The Shaman: Voyages of the Soul - Trance, Ecstasy and Healing from Siberia to the Amazon. Duncan Baird. ISBN 1-903296-18-8.

Category:Shamanism

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