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From left to right: the destroyers Remus, Romulus, Psilander and Puke at Nya Varvet in Gothenburg on 10 July 1940.

The Psilander affair was an incident that occurred in Skálafjørður near Tórshavn in the Faroe Islands on 20 June 1940 when the four Swedish destroyers HSwMS Psilander, Puke, Romulus and Remus were seized by the Royal Navy. The raid took place out of concern that the Kriegsmarine would otherwise seize the destroyers and put them into German service when they left the North Sea.[1]

The fact that Swedish destroyers were in the Faroe Islands, at a time critical for the United Kingdom in June 1940, was due to the urgent need for military equipment that arose on the Swedish side during the outbreak of World War II in September 1939. Italy was one of the few countries that could sell suitable equipment and a quick purchase of four destroyers was carried out. The ships were tested in La Spezia during March and April 1940. After a long and dramatic journey home, delayed, among other things, by urgent repair needs and the difficulty in obtaining fuel, the destroyers ended up with the accompanying passenger ship Patricia and the tanker Castor in the Faroe Islands, since the fighting in Western Europe forced them to avoid the area around the English Channel.

About a week later, Sweden recovered the seized destroyers after intensive diplomatic activity, and the ships were finally able to sail to Gothenburg. Since the commander of the destroyer force, Commander Torsten Hagman had handed over equipped Swedish naval ships to foreign power without combat, his conduct was questioned and preliminary hearing was held at the military court of the West Coast Naval District. When the case did not go to trial Hagman was also never publicly acquitted in court for his decision.

Background[edit]

  The destroyers route from La Spezia to Tórshavn and from Kirkwall to Gothenburg under Swedish command.
  Under British command from Tórshavn to Kirkwall.
  The tanker Castor's route as an individual ship, including via Casablanca.

When the World War II broke out, there was an urgent need to strengthen the Swedish Armed Forces with new military equipment. In December 1939, the King in Council appointed a commission commissioned to buy in Italy, initially torpedoes and engines for torpedo boats, and if so, ready-made ships were offered primarily destroyers and motor torpedo boats as well as possibly cruisers.[2] The commission consisted of the Naval Engineer of the 1st Rank in the Swedish Navy reserve Holger Graffman, the Swedish Navy lieutenants Johan Gabriel Oxenstierna and Henning Hammargren (who was naval attaché in Rome at the time), and the naval engineer Samzelius.[2]

Purchase[edit]

There was doubt from the Swedish side about the purchase of two destroyers of the Italian Sella-class. These were launched in 1926 and were considered to have passed their age limit before being put into service in Sweden.[3] However, the Italian bid was two Sella and two Spica-3-class destroyers. The latter class was launched in 1934, and significantly more modern.[4] On 21 January 1940, all contracts were ready for the purchase of four destroyers, four motor torpedo boats and more. The four motor torpedo boats of the MAS class, which in Sweden became T11-T14, were transported to Sweden on MS Boreland from La Spezia to Gothenburg in March 1940. Sweden was also allowed to buy other military equipment for a total of SEK 250 million.[5] A total of between 700 and 800 railway wagons qith military equipment rolled from Italy to Sweden with mines, torpedoes, ammunition, spare parts, bombsights and cannons.[5] Later in the spring of 1940, 216 aircrafts were purchased, partly the Fiat CR.42 (J 11) and Reggiane Re.2000 (J 20) fighter aircrafts and the Caproni Ca.313 (B 16) bomb and reconnaissance aircraft.[6] In addition, a large number of aircraft engines and machine gun ammunition were purchased.

The passenger ship Patricia on the way to La Spezia in March 1940. Life boats are swung out for immediate use.

The crew's trip to Italy[edit]

Prime Minister Per-Albin Hansson personally supported the appointment of lieutenant commander Torsten Hagman, to Avdelningschef (AC) for the naval force. Hagman had served as Adjutant to Per-Albin Hansson, when he was Minister of Defence in the 1920s.[7] The passenger ship Patricia of Rederi A/B Svenska Lloyd (Swedish Lloyd) was lease and quickly converted into a auxiliary cruisers in the Swedish Navy. The ship was equipped with a 12 cm gun and two 8 mm machine guns. After the return to Sweden, the ship was destined to become the mother ship for the rising number of submarines.[8] The four destroyer crews, a total of 450 men, embarked in Gothenburg and together with Patricia's crew of 36 people began their journey to La Spezia on 4 March 1940.[7] The destroyer crews came largely from the frozen destroyers HSwMS Sigurd and HSwMS Ragnar,[9] as well as HSwMS Vidar and HSwMS Wale.[10] When Gothenburg was blocked by a half meter thick ice, Patricia got icebreaker aid to be able to reach Skagerrak.[8] Without more serious interruptions or incidents, Patricia arrived in La Spezia on 19 March.

Preparation and sea trials[edit]

On 27 March, the Italian flags on the destroyers Bettino Ricasoli, Giovanni Nicotera, Spica and Astore were lowered and Swedish naval ensigns were hoisted on Puke, Psilander, Romulus and Remus, which the destroyers were named.[11] Initially, the latter two were intended to be called Mode and Magne, but the Italian naval command understood that a couple of the ships should be given a name reminiscent of their country of origin.[12] The name change significantly facilitated the continued cooperation. During sea trials, the ships went on "mätt mil" outside La Spezia, and artillery and torpedoes were fired, smoke screens were tested, and more.[13]

Italian military band and guard of honor leads the procession on its way to the memorial service for the death of the Radio Corpral Erik Larsson in La Spezia.

Fatal accident[edit]

For the crews there were obvious risks in sea trials and trimming machinery and equipment. A fatal accident occurred when the 1st Radioman, Radio Corporal Erik Larsson, worked with troubleshooting the transmitter in the radio room on Romulus on 4 April together with the 2nd Radioman Tage Sundgren. When Larsson was investigating a contact on the backside of the transmitter, he came in contact with high voltage. Burned on the left hand, Larsson emerged from the back of the transmitter and collapsed in the radio room. Resuscitation attempts were in vain, and Larsson was pronounced dead at a military hospital.[14] A memorial ceremony was held two days later with both Swedish and Italian participation, and his remains was taken onto Patricia for burial in Sweden.

During the work on sea trials and trimming, the crew members gained different insights into Italian culture.



Commander Hagman on the bridge of HSwMS Puke at the departure from La Spezia. Italian destroyer crews man the gunwale.

The journey home begins[edit]

Fitting-out and sea trials were completed on 13 April. The Italian Navy ministry had previously granted a shakedown cruise to Tripolis and back, but the German attack on Denmark and Norway on 9 April made this impossible.[17] It was then important that the destroyers left Italy as soon as possible. In the first part of the trip, there were also two Italian naval engineers and seven engine non-commissioned officers on board the destroyers to remedy engine breakdowns.[17]

In Rome, the Swedish naval attaché sought to establish free passage from the English authorities for the naval force through the Strait of Gibraltar, and up to Lisbon. At the same time, the legation in Berlin took care of the creation of free passage from Germany.

The destroyers sailed from La Spezia on 14 April and arrived in Naples the following day, at noon on 15 April. The visit to Naples was made as a reported naval visit, to emphasize that the destroyers had changed to Swedish flag. For the crews, this meant that after completing work on board, they could go ashore during a normal naval visit. On the depot ship Patricia, 30 purchased torpedoes and a large amount of spare parts were loaded for the destroyers and the already delivered torpedo boats.[17] Some ammunition was also loaded on board Patricia. On 18 April, the naval force left Naples with Lisbon as a planned bunkering site. Patricia went first in the column as a cruise control, with 12 knots speed.[18] Then following in the same cruising speed was HSwMS Puke, commanded by Commander Torsten Hagman as force commander. After Puke came HSwMS Psilander commanded by Lieutenant Agne Löfgren, HSwMS Romulus commanded by Lieutenant Rolf Ström, and last HSwMS Remus commanded by Lieutenant Edward Hamilton.[7]

HSwMS Romulus steaming in the Mediterranean, aft of HSwMS Psilander.


On 20 April, the British naval attaché in Rome announced that the "Admiralty would guarantee free passage for the squadron in the same manner as had happened with Boreland and Patricia. Best for you to make your way through the English Channel, whereby the Germans can conveniently assume responsibility in line with Rotterdam."[19] Despite this, the Military Office of the Naval Defence (Sjöförsvarets kommandoexpedition) announced, to the German mission in Stockholm, that the destroyer force planned to travel via Ireland and the Faroe Islands to the Norwegian coast and then to Gothenburg.

Collision[edit]

At noon on the same day, 20 April, Puke suffered mechanical breakdown and left the formation without announcing his intention to the subsequent Psilander,[20] who did not manage to get away but collided at moderate speed Puke's stern with its stem. Puke got a propeller cover torn out, and in the hole after that, water entered. On Psilander, rivets had loosened in the bumped metal sheets of the stem, which also caused a minor leak.[21] When the waterproof bulkheads were intact, both destroyers were able to continue at 12 knots for a while, and the naval force went to Cartagena in Spain for repair, where they arrived on 21 April.

Picture from Cartagena in Spain, April 1940. From left to right: HSwMS Remus, HSwMS Romulus, and HSwMS Puke. Puke is heeling to fix the stern.

In Spain and Portugal[edit]

In Cartagena, the Spanish workers worked quickly and efficiently on the repairs, despite the destruction of the shipyard after the civil war.[22] Psilander was docked for repair, while Puke was repaired without docking. Due to the unplanned arrival in Cartagena, a great deal of the secrecy surrounding the destroyers and the return home was broken. After stockpiling, the destroyers departed for Lisbon on 26 April, where Patricia had been dispatched in advance to receive ordered oil.[23]

Meanwhile in Cartagena, on 23 April, the Italian naval commander Admiral Cavagnari had informed the Swedish naval attaché by phone that the ships should leave for Sweden as soon as possible. "It should take less than three weeks, but be careful so the German does not damage the ships in the Kiel Canal."[24] This statement was later interpreted as the admiral's understanding of Hitler's plans to attack the West in early May.


HSwMS Puke repaired in dock in Lisbon.

The naval force arrived in Lisbon on 28 April and anchored on the river Tagus, where the original plan was to quickly bunker oil and fresh water, and then proceed to Cobh in Ireland. The wait in Lisbon turned out to be month-long as no oil could be accessed, only fresh water. Puke's damage from the collision in the Mediterranean was finally repaired with dock repair.

The destroyers journey was now closely followed in London. In a memo to the Military Office of the Naval Defence (Sjöförsvarets kommandoexpedition), the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs announced::


However, this message did not reach Commander Hagman in Lisbon. On 10 May, Germany attacked the Netherlands, Belgium and France on the Western Front, which closed the destroyers route through the English Channel. In the meantime, people were working in Stockholm to get oil to the destroyers from elsewhere and the Chief of the Navy, Vice Admiral Fabian Tamm announced on 15 May that a Swedish tanker was to be expected within four to five days.[25] The Swedish tanker MT Castor had been requisitioned and ordered to join the destroyer force. On 21 May, Castor arrived in Lisbon with 14,495 tonnes of oil, half of which was diesel fuel.[26] In addition, the ship had more than 1,000 tonnes of fresh water in its tanks which was expected to make the destroyers self-sufficient.

The tanker MT Castor outside Vigo in Spain in May 1940.

A series of telegrams were sent from the Chief of the Navy:


The tanker now formally became the naval ship HM Transportfartyg Castor and the commander John Juhlin thus simultaneously became a lieutenant in the Swedish Navy reserve.

On 26 May, the naval force left Lisbon, and on 27 May, it arrived in Vigo, Spain, where Castor and Patricia bunkered fully, and the Italian engine crew on the destroyers went ashore as they were called home by their government.[28] On 10 June, Italy entered the war.

Although the Chief of the Navy had previously given instructions that Castor should accompany the destroyer force, the ship's low speed, about eight knots, meant that oil and water would probably not suffice on the destroyers for the move to Cobh in Ireland, according to Hagman's assessment. He therefore detached Castor and let the destroyers and Patricia to leave Vigo at their most economical speed, twelve knots, in a wide arc out in the Atlantic Ocean towards Cobh on 29 May.

Romulus ship's dog "Spica", an Italian mixed breed dog known to, in various contexts, always recognize the ship's crew members.

Castor is rammed[edit]

Castor was escorted out through the dangerous submarine area closest to the Spanish coast, and received orders to continue on his own to Cobh.[28] At noon on 30 May, Castor was rammed by a French patrol ship. When, according to documents, the tanker belonged to the Swedish Navy and carried a naval ensign, it still had no guns. A naval ship must have at least one gun, the French commander said.[29] Captain Juhlin was a lieutenant in the Swedish Navy, but did not have a uniform. All this made the French suspicious, and Castor was ordered to go towards Casablanca, where ambiguities would be resolved.[28] After intervention by the Swedish government, the tanker was released after two days, and received orders to reunite with the destroyer force in Cobh.

In late May and early June, the dramatic evacuation of approximately 300,000 English and French soldiers from the beaches of Dunkirk was conducted across the English Channel. A new route out in the Atlantic Ocean towards the Faroe Islands was instructed by the British Admiralty,[30] and Castor would also join there. In practice, the Faroe Islands were occupied by the British military since April 1940, following Denmark's capitulation, but the British did not formally acknowledge this, as it would entail responsibility for the Faroe Islands' board and supply.[31]

Off the south coast of Ireland on 1 June, Patricia discovered a periscope on the starboard, and evasive maneuvers were carried out by all ships.[32] The destroyer force anchored in Cobh (Queenstown) on 2 June. Again, no oil could be obtained ashore. By bunkering from Patricia, the destroyers were able to replenish enough oil to reach the Faroe Islands.[28] In addition, it was announced that 117 civilian passengers, including 40 women and 8 children, would follow Patricia as passengers.[33] Most were former employees of English companies, who have now become unemployed since the companies switched to war production. Among the passengers were several young women who worked as au pairs, or in the service profession, and now wanted to go home because of the war.[30] Also sailors from the wrecked Swedish ships, for example SS Foxen, were among the passengers. These were expected to arrive in mid-June, and the waiting time was utilized by the crews for physical training. On 15 June Patricia took her civilian passengers aboard, and on the night of 16 June they left Cobh for Faroe Islands.

On 14 June, German troops marched into Paris, and on 22 June, France surrendered. This meant that the United Kingdom stood alone against the hitherto ever-victorious German troops, with an imminent threat of German invasion. The Kriegsmarine had previously lost ten of its most modern destroyers in the battles of Narvik on 10 and 13 April 1940, and the British were anxious that Germany would not have quick access to new destroyers.

The incident[edit]

Tuesday, 18 June[edit]

At the British war cabinet meeting in London, the Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs announced that four Swedish destroyers had left Éire to go to the Faroe Islands. He suggested the war cabinet to consider the possibility of capture the destroyers upon their arrival in the Faroe Islands. The Foreign Secretary declared himself willing to investigate the matter further.[34]

Wednesday, 19 June[edit]

At the war cabinet meeting, the proposal from the previous day on the capture of the destroyers was discussed. The Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs felt that this was a case where angary could be used. This is a right established by international law for a belligerent nation to seize the property of a neutral state, within the territory of the belligerent nation or territories occupied by it.[34] Prime Minister Churchill considered it of the utmost importance to take possession of the destroyers. Immediate action would be taken and later explanations would be considered appropriate. The war cabinet instructed the Admiralty to order the capture of the destroyers as soon as possible.[34]

Patricia anchored at the far end of Skálafjørður on 19 June 1940.

In dense fog, Patricia and the destroyers approached the Faroe Islands on a northern course in the early morning, with minimal speed alternating between "Slow" and "Half". At 05.45, "Stop" and "Full reverse" were ordered on Psilander as the rocks were so close that the echo of the steam whistle was thrown back.[35] The ships turned back and waited for the fog to lighten, for the possibility of new berthing. Castor gave its location via radio at 09.00 at about 120 distansminuter from the Faroe Islands, and the ship would be there the following morning.

At the same time, the Swedish consul in the Faroe Islands was not informed in advance of the destroyers' arrival by Swedish authorities, but was told that a large amount was made available to him at Føroya Banki, to be used for the destroyer force's needs. Neither had the British representative, "Naval Officer in Charge of Faroe Islands (NOIC)" Captain Crowther, been informed of the destroyers before he was announced by the Swedish consul.[36]

After the fog lightened in the morning Patricia and the destroyers again steered towards the Faroe Islands, and took aboard pilots that led the ships to the long narrow Skálafjørður near Tórshavn. There Patricia was assigned an anchorage at the far end of the fjord, and the destroyers were allowed to anchor in tactical order - in line,[37] at 2 o'clock in the afternoon. In the same fjord a number of English naval drifters also anchored on each side of the destroyers. Ashore, the British military occupied the small telephone stations along the fjord, and seized binoculars and cameras.[38]


Commander Hagman ordered the boilers to be extinguished in order to save oil. This meant that it would take about four hours to get the destroyers ready for departure again.[40] In addition, watchkeeping was ordered on quarters, that is, no combat readiness.[37]



The three British Tribal-class destroyers Maori, Tartar and Mashona left the naval base at Scapa Flow on the Orkney Islands at 19.30 with a course towards the Faroe Islands, with the intention of taking over the Swedish destroyers.[42]

Map of the situation at Skálafjørður in the Faroe Islands on 20 June 1940.

Thursday, 20 June[edit]

At 05.00[edit]

In the early morning, Castor arrived in the Faroe Islands and received orders to anchor southeast of Tórshavn about ten distansminuter,[43] one and a half hours walking time, from the destroyers in the Skálafjørður.[40] Later in the morning the British destroyers also arrived.


The guard on Remus, closest to the fjord estuary, noticed that some large English destroyers anchored and some armed trawlers approached the Swedish force. He awoke the duty officer and reported.[44]

At 07.15[edit]

In a motor boat, the British squadron commander Captain C. Caslon, as well as a Lieutenant Commander (paymaster) as secretary and a civilian arrived to Puke. Caslon orally stated in ultimate form that he had been ordered directly from the British government to seize the destroyers. As a motive for their actions, it was stated that from the English side, it was assumed that the Swedish destroyers would end up in German hands as the ships approached Sweden.[45] According to British requirements, the destroyers would be evacuated within two and a half hours, and the crews would then be transferred to England for further transport to Sweden. Patricia and Castor could continue the journey, but resistance from the destroyers or attempts to sink the ships would be met with "appropriate countermeasures".[46] All radio transmitters on the Swedish ships would be sealed immediately, and attempts to establish a connection with Sweden would be prevented by force.[47]

Commander Hagman's spontaneous response was to reject the demands, and that he would fight alternatively sink the ships.[48] Captain Caslon regretted this and pointed out that it was only a matter of seizing the ships, they would remain Swedish property.

Hagman then demanded the opportunity to get in touch with the Swedish government, but Caslon explained that the use of radio would be prevented by force. Hagman asked to have the British government's demands and motives in writing, after which he would respond in writing. Caslon promised to accommodate this, and then left Puke.[49]

We will have a nice little fight at nine o´clock.

— Commander Hagman's closing comment when Captain Caslon left Puke[48]

At 08.00[edit]

A message was sent from the captain on Puke to other Swedish ships in view: "All captains are called within half an hour".[50] According to the applicable regulations for the Swedish Navy (RM II §56), the commanding officer could, on more important occasions, convene subordinate commanders for council, where minutes are kept but the decision is made by the chief himself.[51]

British drifter in Skálafjørður.

At 08.06[edit]

Shortly afterwards, a new message came: "Prepare to evacuate the destroyers".[50]

Commander Hagman was aware that the destroyer HSwMS Psilander got its name from Admiral Gustav von Psilander, who in the Battle of Orford Ness in 1704 refused to surrender to a powerful English force. While waiting for the other fartygschefer, he formulated his own position.[53]


At 09.00[edit]

The British requirements were submitted in writing. The appendix also states "Right of Angary", in which warring countries have the right to temporarily seize the property of neutral power on their own or occupied territory. Prejudice from Franco-Prussian War 1870–1871 and World War I were stated, but none with application to warships. According to the written requirements, any damage to the seized destroyers would be compensated.


After reviewing the written requirements, the fartygscheferna held consultations on board Puke. The balance of power was strong in British favor. The British destroyers were on the move and ready for battle in action stations. Each of the Tribal class destroyers had eight 12 cm guns, four anti-aircraft autocannons and four torpedo tubes. In addition, there were armed English "drifters" between the Swedish destroyers, as well as postings ashore.[51]

On the Swedish side, the ships had a very low level of oil and water and an unfavorable position for battle in the narrow fjord, extinguished and anchored in line. After a few hours of getting the steam pressure up, only Remus' two aft 10 cm guns could be aimed with free firing range at the British destroyers. If the Swedish destroyers had broken out, they would soon run out of fuel and become easy targets for Home Fleet.[51] In addition, Patricia was in the line of fire, loaded with ammunition and with 117 civilians on board.

To self-harm or scuttle their own destroyers would partly help the British in their alleged effort to prevent the destroyers from falling into German hands, and partly jeopardize the Swedish government's compensation claims. In addition, it would have serious consequences for Patricia and Castor with passengers and expensive cargo of munitions and oil.[51]

English Tribal class destroyer HMS Maori, one of the destroyers in Skálafjørður.

At 09.20[edit]

Flera av Tribal-klass jagarna styrde in i Skálafjørður, vände och styrde ut igen.[55]

I det pågående fartygschefsmötet, så skulle enligt reglerna den yngste av fartygscheferna, Edward Hamilton på Remus, yttra sig först för att inte påverkas av de äldre. Samtliga fartygschefer hade ändå samma åsikt, att motstånd var utsiktslöst och att situationen borde lösas med förhandlingar mellan respektive länders regeringar.[56] Kommendörkapten Hagman, som befann sig i den för en svensk officer märkliga situationen att ensam behöva fatta beslut som kunde få storpolitiska konsekvenser, skrev i sitt svar till britterna att han under omständigheterna inte hade något annat val än att gå med på kraven. Men han protesterade också i svaret allvarligt mot hela proceduren, särskilt att han förvägrats möjligheten till kommunikation med egna regeringen.[57]

Innan skrivelsen överlämnades hade en förfrågan gjorts, om besättningarna kunde föras över till Patricia och Castor i stället för att, enligt det ursprungliga ultimatumet, föras till England. Begäran godkändes av engelsmännen.[58]

Efter mötet återvände fartygscheferna till sina fartyg och meddelade besättningarna. Endast personliga tillhörigheter skulle få packas ner i sjösäckarna enligt brittiska direktiv. På AC order medtogs dessutom flaggor och befälstecken utom de blåsande, kojer, filtar, gasmasker med mera.[58] En del tillhörigheter kastades överbord, eftersom besättningarna inte ville överlämna det till engelsmännen.[59] Marketenteriinnehållet delades ut så rättvist som brådskan medgav.[60]


Besättningen på HSwMS Remus har embarkerat driftern Scottish för vidare transport till tankern Castor.

Trots order från AC att inte försämra läget genom sabotage eller motstånd, jagarna var fortfarande svensk egendom, förekom detta på enskilda besättningsmäns initiativ. På Remus, som låg närmast de brittiska jagarna, fick befälet avstyra begäran från besättningsmedlemmar som trots övermakten ville gå i strid.[62][63] I maskinrummet på Remus hade vissa kikar, det vill säga ventiler som växlas mellan öppet och stängt med ett kvartsvarvs vridning, och kranar stängts. Dessutom hade några blindflänsar, det vill säga plattor som stoppar flödet i rörledningen, monterats.[64] Slagstiften till kanonerna hade tagits bort, och gjort artilleriet obrukbart.[64] På Romulus fick radiomännen tillstånd att göra sändaren obrukbar. De slog då sönder slutrör och reservrör, samt lämnade en skylt med texten "Pericolo di Morte" (Varning för döden) i radiohytten.[65]

At 11.00[edit]

Tre drifters användes till att föra över besättningarna från Puke, Psilander och Romulus till Patricia samt från Remus till Castor. Utrymningen leddes av NOIC, Captain Crowther.[58] Utrymningen var känsloladdad för besättningarna från jagarna som fick påspädning av en, i vissa fall, arrogant attityd från drifters besättningar.



Efter att svenska besättningarna lämnat kom brittiska besättningar ombord på jagarna, med första åtgärd att hala de svenska flaggorna och befälstecknen.[66]

Brittisk Tribal-klass jagare långsides den betydligt mindre HSwMS Remus, där en tillfällig engelsk besättning försöker få igång maskineriet.

Friday, 21 June[edit]

Klockan 09.00 kom NOIC, Captain Crowther, till Patricia och meddelade att fartyget kunde avgå. Vid 14-tiden på eftermiddagen lättades ankar och man gick ut genom Skálafjørður med kurs mot norska kusten. Ute på internationellt vatten kunde radiosändare åter användas till kontakt med svenska myndigheter.

I en serie telegram informerade kommendörkapten Hagman, chefen för marinen (CM):


Patricia och Castor girade på kontrakurs tillbaka till Färöarna. Under tiden började en diplomatisk telegramväxling mellan Stockholm och London. Kabinettssekreterare Erik Boheman, som var på middag hos den brittiske ministern i Stockholm, Victor Mallet, blev mycket upprörd och krävde att Mallet skulle telegrafera till London om att jagarna omedelbart skulle friges.[69]

Saturday, 22 June[edit]

De två svenska fartygen återvände till Torshamn, där de ankrade på yttre redden klockan 08.00. Den svenske vicekonsuln på Färöarna meddelade att jagarna hade förflyttats till en för honom obekant plats, vilket han protesterat emot hos den brittiske konsuln.[68]

De diplomatiska kontakterna fortsatte. Bland annat samtalade den svenske ministern i London, Björn Prytz, med brittiske utrikesministern Halifax. Prytz meddelade att, om britterna behöll jagarna, skulle tyskarna anklaga den svenska regeringen för att tillåta kränkning av den svenska neutraliteten, och som konsekvens invadera Sverige. Prytz meddelade också att jagarnas färdväg fullständigt hade diskuterats med den brittiska legationen i Stockholm, vilket Halifax inte ansåg sig känna till.[70]

Senare granskning av källmaterial har gett en förklaring till att det brittiska agerandet eventuellt byggde på ett missförstånd. Den svenska formella begäran om fartygspassage hade blivit liggande hos amiralitetet i London på grund av semestertiderna. Därför blev den brittiska regeringen överraskad av den svenska sjöstyrkans förflyttning, som det uppfattades utan förvarning och utan att följa normal rutin och "proper channel". Misstanken väcktes därför att svenskarna var bulvaner i ett försök att förstärka den tyska flottan med italienska fartyg.[71]

Midsommarfirande den 23 juni 1940 ombord på den överfulla Patricia, till ankars vid Torshamn.

The destroyers are recovered[edit]

Under de följande dagarna insåg man på brittisk sida att jagarna var ganska små och inte särskilt effektiva.[72] Man försökte också koppla ett eventuellt frisläppande av jagarna som argument i förhandlingar om andra frågor, till exempel möjlighet att skjuta upp svenska flygplansköp i USA, samt avbrytande av den planerade tyska transiteringstrafiken. Vid brittiska krigskabinettets möte den 24 juni fattades beslut om att släppa jagarna.[73]

På kvällen den 25 juni meddelade NOIC att de svenska jagarna skulle återlämnas till sina besättningar. Två av jagarna befann sig i Kirkwall, och två var på väg dit. För att inte Castor skulle behöva färdas genom de farliga vattnen runt Orkneyöarna fördes Remus besättning också över till Patricia. Enligt direktiv från CM skulle de civila passagerarna inkvarteras i Torshamn, men detta tilläts inte av britterna. Med över 600 personer ombord på ett fartyg som var avsett för 250,[55] avgick Patricia den 30 juni 01.00 till Kirkwall, och var framme cirka klockan 23.[68]


Del av besättningen på Romulus uppställd inför storrengöring i Kirkwall.

På förmiddagen den 1 juli kunde fartygscheferna och vissa besättningsmän inspektera jagarna. Under färden mellan Färöarna och Kirkwall hade de fått åtskilliga skador. Dels på grund av de engelska besättningarnas ovana vid jagarnas maskineri, dels på grund av svenska sabotage. Detta hade lett till upprepade maskinstopp och bogseringar, allt i mycket hårt väder. På Psilander och Romulus hade britterna torrkokat en panna, som därigenom blivit helt förstörd.[75] På Romulus hade olja dessutom av misstag pumpats upp i gångar och mäss.[76] Puke hade skador efter kollision i samband med bogsering, och hade tappat ett ankare. Den engelska besättningen anspelade också på det kraftigt rullande fartygets namn, som på engelska betyder må illa, kräkas.[77]

Fartygen hade till stor del plundrats på lösa inventarier och verktyg. På Remus lista över förlorade inventarier fanns 22 borddukar, 54 handdukar, 53 tallrikar, 77 kaffekoppar och så vidare i en lång lista. Alla förluster, samt lönekostnader för Patricia och Castors besättningar med mera värderades senare till 879 644 kronor, vilket betalades av britterna.[78]

Jagarna återlämnades 2 juli till sina svenska besättningar, som snabbt utförde rengöring och provisorisk reparation av fartygen. Den 5 juli 02.00 lämnade Patricia och jagarna Kirkwall för att åter färdas mot Färöarna. Castor möttes vid en punkt 40 distansminuter öster om öarna på kvällen den 5 juli,[79] och styrkan gick därefter i kolonn mot Norge, med åtta knops fart och ordningen Puke, Psilander, Castor, Patricia, Romulus och Remus.


Babords gångbord på Puke under gång med luftvärnsberedskap.

Bombanfall[edit]

Efter att ha siktat flygplan både 6 och 7 juli på lång distans kom, utefter norska kusten, vid 6-tiden på morgonen den 8 juli ett bombanfall av flygplan från brittiska kustkomandot, där fyra bomber fälldes mot Castor. Bomberna sprängdes på 50-75 m avstånd från tankern, som efter noggrann kontroll rapporterade att ingen läcka kunde märkas.[81] Anfallet berodde på ett misstag, och britterna har senare bett om ursäkt.[82]


Efter att både Puke och Remus sänkt drivande hornminor, kom styrkan fram till Kristiansand på morgonen den 9 juli. Då myndigheterna behövde få några timmar för att varsko den egna kustbevakningen om den svenska styrkans förflyttning, blev Hagman under tiden väl emottagen hos de tyska myndigheterna.[84]


På eftermiddagen fortsatte resan, och på morgonen den 10 juli passerade styrkan in på svenskt territorialvatten. Vid 17-tiden var jagarna förtöjda vid Nya Varvet i Göteborg där de togs emot av chefen för marinen, amiral Fabian Tamm. Han hälsade fartyg och besättningar välkomna hem, men med en kylig underton.[82] Ingen ifrån regeringen fanns representerad i Göteborg, vilket dåvarande statsminister Per-Albin Hansson senare ångrade.[85]


Aftermath[edit]

Efter ankomsten till Göteborg hölls på CM:s initiativ förberedande förhör med Hagman vid fältkrigsrätten vid västkustens marindistrikt. På en fråga från förhörsledaren om Hagman ansåg att han uppehållit "svenska flottans anseende och svenska flaggans ära" svarade han, att han ansåg sig i det aktuella läget ha handlat riktigt, oberoende av reglementen och instruktioner.[87]

Sedan fältkrigsrätten återigen sammanträtt den 6 augusti 1940, konstaterades att Hagmans handlande inte skulle leda till ansvar eller ersättningsskyldighet och att ärendet inte skulle gå vidare till rättegång.[82] Vid sammanträdet frågade åklagaren, om det kanske varit lämpligt att låta engelsmännen skjuta ett eller annat skott, och först därefter bestämma om jagarna skulle överlämnas. På det svarade Hagman, att han ofrånkomligt varit tvungen att besvara elden, därmed skulle också alla ersättningsanspråk äventyrats. Det var enligt Hagman utomordentligt viktigt att inte ett enda skott föll.[88]

Trots att statsminister Per Albin Hansson personligen meddelande Hagman att han hade hans stöd för sitt handlande fick Hagman aldrig någon formell upprättelse, eftersom han inte blev offentligt friad i domstol. Han betraktades av många som en förrädare som överlämnat sina fartyg utan strid.[89] Kritiken från högsta marinledningen gällde också att Hagman detacherat Castor utanför Vigo, mot direktiven från CM att låta tankfartyget ingå i jagarstyrkan.[90] Dagen efter det att fältkrigsrätten avslutat sin förberedande utredning, den 22 augusti 1940 utfärdade chefen för kustflottan, konteramiral Gösta Ehrensvärd, en hemlig order:


En pressdebatt bröt ut i samband med krigsrättens dom, där de flesta tidningar stödde Hagmans handlande. En kommentar var att "krigsmannaplikten får inte överflödiggöra bruket av hjärnan".[85] Tidningarna på extrema vänsterkanten, och den för sin tyskvänlighet kända Östgöta Correspondenten var kritiska till Hagmans beslut.[92]

På brittisk sida har flera företrädare efteråt uttryckt att man ångrade åtgärden att beslagta jagarna, som kallats "a dirty trick" igångsatt av Secret Service.[93] En hög civil tjänsteman i Admiralty framförde till dåvarande konteramiral Stig H:son Ericson, att den brittiska åtgärden uteslutande kunde förklaras med det nervösa tillstånd som britterna befann sig i, samt att Admiralty gjort en mycket beklaglig blunder.[93] Churchill erkände också senare för svenske ministern Prytz i London, att Hagman skött "den svåra och pinsamma affären" på ett beundransvärt sätt, och att "han besparade båda länderna mycket besvär".[93] Han nämnde också "Om den svenske chefen varit en brittisk officer i motsvarande läge skulle vi ha givit honom en lämplig utmärkelse för att uttrycka vår beundran och nationens tacksamhet".[94]

Incidenten gjorde att den redan tyskvänliga svenska sjöofficerskåren blev rent fientligt inställd mot Storbritannien i allmänhet och mot brittiska flottan i synnerhet.[1] Detta kom att vålla britterna problem i samband med senare händelser kring de i Sverige instängda norska kvarstadsbåtarna, Operation Rubble[95] och Operation Performance.[96]

I förordet till jubileumsskriften för 50-årsjubileet av Italienexpeditionen år 1990 lovordade dåvarande chefen för Marinen, viceamiral Bengt Schuback, kommendörkapten Hagmans handlande och gav honom en postum upprättelse.[97]


About the sources[edit]

Flera av källorna nämner en fjärde Tribal-klass jagare vid Färöarna, förutom de tre namngivna. Däremot nämner inte någon av källorna vilken jagare det skulle varit. Enligt ett rykte på Romulus fanns också slagskeppet HMS Rodney utanför mynningen av Skálafjørður.[99]

References[edit]

Notes[edit]

  1. ^ a b Barker & Kjellström 1976, p. 18
  2. ^ a b Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 17
  3. ^ Fontander 2006, p. 84
  4. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 18
  5. ^ a b Fontander 2006, p. 82
  6. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 23
  7. ^ a b c Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 24
  8. ^ a b Rumenius 1976, p. 121
  9. ^ Rumenius 1976, p. 124
  10. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 263
  11. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 266
  12. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 22
  13. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 123
  14. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, pp. 29–30
  15. ^ Rumenius 1976, p. 127
  16. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, pp. 100–101
  17. ^ a b c Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, pp. 31–32
  18. ^ a b Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 269
  19. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 35
  20. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 37
  21. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 226
  22. ^ a b c Rumenius 1976, p. 132
  23. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 38
  24. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 40
  25. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 81
  26. ^ Rumenius 1976, p. 134
  27. ^ Rumenius 1976, p. 135
  28. ^ a b c d Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 42
  29. ^ Rumenius 1976, p. 137
  30. ^ a b Fontander 2006, p. 85
  31. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 43
  32. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 143
  33. ^ Artéus 1996, p. 355
  34. ^ a b c Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 59
  35. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 145
  36. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 64
  37. ^ a b Rumenius 1976, p. 143
  38. ^ Fontander 2006, p. 108
  39. ^ Fontander 2006, p. 89
  40. ^ a b c Fontander 2006, p. 92
  41. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 146
  42. ^ Kindell, Don. "British and Other Navies in World War 2 Day-by-Day: NAVAL EVENTS, JUNE 1940 (Part 3 of 4) Saturday 15th - Friday 21st". www.naval-history.net. Retrieved 1 June 2012.
  43. ^ Rumenius 1976, p. 159
  44. ^ a b Fontander 2006, p. 93
  45. ^ Rumenius 1976, p. 149
  46. ^ Rumenius 1976, p. 147
  47. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 44
  48. ^ a b Zetterberg & von Hofsten 2020, p. 67
  49. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 45
  50. ^ a b c Rumenius 1976, p. 153
  51. ^ a b c d Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 45
  52. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 273
  53. ^ a b Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 105
  54. ^ Rumenius 1976, p. 146
  55. ^ a b Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 232
  56. ^ Fontander 2006, p. 94
  57. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, pp. 45-47ff
  58. ^ a b c Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 47
  59. ^ Rumenius 1976, p. 157
  60. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 243
  61. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 187
  62. ^ Rumenius 1976, pp. 157–158
  63. ^ Fontander 2006, p. 96
  64. ^ a b Rumenius 1976, p. 162
  65. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 288
  66. ^ a b Rumenius 1976, p. 161
  67. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 209
  68. ^ a b c Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 48
  69. ^ Fontander 2006, p. 99
  70. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 60
  71. ^ Artéus 1996, pp. 358–359
  72. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 61
  73. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, pp. 60-63ff
  74. ^ Fontander 2006, p. 98
  75. ^ Rumenius 1976, p. 173
  76. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, pp. 246-247ff
  77. ^ Fontander 2006, p. 103
  78. ^ Rumenius 1976, p. 197
  79. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 148
  80. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 118
  81. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 50
  82. ^ a b c Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 82
  83. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 188
  84. ^ a b Rumenius 1976, p. 181
  85. ^ a b Fontander 2006, p. 106
  86. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 275
  87. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 56
  88. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 57
  89. ^ Nilsson 2000
  90. ^ Rumenius 1976, p. 141
  91. ^ Fontander 2006, p. 105
  92. ^ Lundberg 2012, p. 55
  93. ^ a b c Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, pp. 64-65ff
  94. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 77
  95. ^ Barker & Kjellström 1976, pp. 75–76
  96. ^ Barker & Kjellström 1976, p. 144
  97. ^ Lundberg 2012, p. 57
  98. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 5
  99. ^ Strömbäck, Jahr & Lilja 1990, p. 255

Print[edit]

  • Artéus, Gunnar (1996). Svenska officersprofiler under 1900-talet (in Swedish). Stockholm: Militärhögskolan. ISBN 91-87072-19-X. SELIBR 7762137.
  • Barker, Ralph; Kjellström, Nils (1976). Blockadbrytarna (in Swedish). Stockholm: Rabén & Sjögren. ISBN 9129471672. SELIBR 7233733.
  • Fontander, Björn (2006). De onda åren: Sverige 1940-1945 (in Swedish). Stockholm: Carlsson. ISBN 9172037849. SELIBR 10166527.
  • Lundberg, Lennart (2012). Svenska öden under andra världskriget (in Swedish). Stockholm: Instant Book. ISBN 9789186939205. SELIBR 12339211.
  • Rumenius, John (1976). "Klart skepp för minfällning": en reservfänrik berättar från beredskapsåren i flottan 1939-1940 (in Swedish). Stockholm: Lindfors. SELIBR 7630300.
  • Strömbäck, Stig; Jahr, Erik; Lilja, Nils-Hugo, eds. (1990). Jagarköp under krig: dramatisk hemfärd med Italien-jagarna (in Swedish). Stockholm: Jubileumskomm. för 1940-års Italienexpedition. SELIBR 936771.
  • Zetterberg, Kent; von Hofsten, Gustaf (2020). Jagarincidenten vid Färöarna 1940: brittiskt försök att beslagta svenska örlogsfartyg (in Swedish). [Stockholm]: Svenskt militärhistoriskt biblioteks förlag. ISBN 9789188885227. SELIBR 7kxw9mkp5fcclqw7.

Web[edit]

Further reading[edit]

  • Hagman, Torsten (1941). De i Italien inköpta jagarnas utrustning och hemfärd (in Swedish). Karlskrona. SELIBR 2062626.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  • Hagman, Torsten (1959). Tillägg 1959 till berättelsen "De i Italien inköpta jagarnas utrustning och hemfärd" (in Swedish). Stockholm. SELIBR 3228778.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  • Hagwell, Åke (1993–2003). Ett jagarköp och ett chefsbeslut 1940 (in Swedish) (New rev. ed.). Torekov. SELIBR 3228783.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  • Hammargren, Henning (1981). Vapenköp i krig: svenska krigsmaterielinköp i Italien under andra världskriget. Marinlitteraturföreningen, 0348-2405 ; 67 (in Swedish). Stockholm: Marinlitteraturfören. ISBN 9185944025. SELIBR 7753508.
  • Hardy, A. C. (1950). Kampen på haven: sjökrigshändelserna under andra världskriget (in Swedish). Malmö: Allhem. SELIBR 1399533.

External links[edit]

Category:Sweden in World War II Category:Faroe Islands in World War II Category:Conflicts in 1940 Category:Sweden–United Kingdom relations

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