User:Wolfdog/sandbox2

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SVLR

Aitken's Scots Vowel # 1★ 8a 10 2★ 11★ 3 4★ 8★ 5 12 18★ 6★ 14 7★ 9 13★ 15 16★ 19 17★
Historical
Vowel 		bite bay boil beet bree[sc] beat ba(t)e bait boat
(bow) 		bought bot aboot beaut(y) bøøt[sc] boy bow/bout bit bet butt bat
Scots phoneme /ai/ /əi/ /i/ /iː/
(Scots only)[a] 		/ei/
(Scots only)[b] 		/e/[c] /eː/[d] /o(ː)/ /ɔː/[e] /ɔ/[f] /ʉ/[g] /jʉ/[h][i] /ø/[j][k] /oi/ /ʌʉ/[l] /ɪ/[m][n] /ɛ/[n] /ʌ/[o][n] /a/[p]
Scottish English phoneme /ai/ or /əi/ (SVLR) /e/ /ɔi/ /i/ — /i/ /e/ /o/ /ɔ/ /ʉ/ /jʉ/ — /ɔi/ /ʌʉ/ /ɪ/ /ɛ/ /ʌ/ /a/
Wells sets PRICE & others FLEECE, NEAR — FLEECE FACE, SQUARE, HAPPY GOAT, FORCE THOUGHT, LOT, CLOTH, NORTH FOOT, GOOSE, CURE — CHOICE MOUTH KIT, commA, NURSE, lettER DRESS, NURSE STRUT, commA, NURSE TRAP, PALM, BATH, START
EEx size, fire vs. site, fine leaf, beet leave, beer — race, bake raise, bare coat, low caught, law cot, lock put, food duty, feud — boy, loin house, now bid, wrist bed, rest bud, rust bad, Rasta
HEx size, fire May, pay join, oil beet, see (dee, lee) (beat, sea) race, bate raise, bait coat, low caught, law cot, lock (aboot, mooth) true, feud (fruit, use) boy, joy about, mouth bid, wrist bed, rest bud, rust bad, Rasta

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Aitken's Scots Vowel # 1★ 8a 10 2★ 11★ 3 4★ 8★ 5 12 18★ 6★ 14 7★ 9 13★ 15 16★ 19 17★
Historical Vowel BY BITE BAY BOIL BEET BREE[Scots] BEAT BA(T)E BAIT BOAT(BOW) BOUGHT BOT ABOOT BEAUT(Y) BØØT[Scots] BOY BOW/BOUT BIT BET BUTT BAT
Scots phonemes /ai/ /əi/ /i/ /iː/[q] /ei/[j][r] /e/[s] /eː/[t] /o(ː)/ /ɔː/[u] /ɔ/[v] /ʉ/[w] /jʉ/[x][y] /ø/[j][z] /oi/ /ʌʉ/[aa] /ɪ/[ab][n] /ɛ/[n] /ʌ/[ac][n] /a/[ad]
English phonemes /ai/ /əi/ /i/ — /e/ /o/ /ɔ/ /ʉ/ — /ɔi/ /ʌʉ/ /ɪ/ /ɛ/ /ʌ/ /a/
Wells sets PRICE FLEECE, NEAR — FACE, SQUARE, HAPPY GOAT, FORCE THOUGHT, LOT, CLOTH, NORTH FOOT, GOOSE, CURE /kjʉr/ — CHOICE MOUTH KIT, commA, NURSE, lettER DRESS, NURSE STRUT, commA, NURSE TRAP, PALM, BATH, START
EEx size, fire vs. site, fine leaf, beet leave, beer — race, bake raise, bare coat, low caught, law cot, lock put, food duty, feud — boy, loin house, now bid, wrist bed, rest bud, rust bad, Rasta
HEx size, fire site, fine May, pay join, oil beet, see (dee, lee) (beat, sea) race, bate raise, bait coat, low caught, law cot, lock (aboot, mooth) true, feud (fruit, use) boy, joy about, mouth bid, wrist bed, rest bud, rust bad, Rasta


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/æ/ raising in North American English[23]
Following
consonant 		Example
words[24] 		New York
City, New
Orleans[24] 		Baltimore,
Philadel-
phia[24] 		General
American,
New England,
Western US 		Midland US,
Pittsburgh 		Southern
US 		Canada,
Northern
Mountain
US 		Minnesota,
Wisconsin 		Great
Lakes
US
Non-prevocalic
/m, n/ 		fan, lamb, stand [eə][ae][af] [eə] [eə] [eə~ɛjə][26] [eə][27] [eə][28]
Prevocalic
/m, n/ 		animal, planet,
Spanish 		[æ]
/ŋ/[29] frank, language [eɪ][30] [æ] [æ~æɛə][26] [ɛː~ɛj][27] [eː~ej][31]
Non-prevocalic
/ɡ/ 		bag, drag [eə][ae] [æ][ag] [æ][ah]
Prevocalic /ɡ/ dragon, magazine [æ]
Non-prevocalic
/b, d, ʃ/ 		grab, flash, sad [eə][ae] [æ][35] [ɛə][35]
Non-prevocalic
/f, θ, s/ 		ask, bath, half,
glass 		[eə][ae]
Otherwise as, back, happy,
locality 		[æ][ai]
  1. ^ Stem-final /iː/ is diphthongised to [əi] or [ei] in Southern Scots.[1]
  2. ^ Vowel 3 remains a distinct phoneme /ei/ only in some North Northern Scots varieties,[2][3] generally merging with /i/ or /e/ in other Modern Scots varieties.[3]
  3. ^ The final vowel in HAPPY is best identified as an unstressed allophone of FACE for most speakers of Scottish English and Ulster English: /ˈhape/. In Geordie, it is best identified as an unstressed allophone of FLEECE: /ˈhapiː/.[4]
  4. ^ In most Central and Southern Scots varieties /eː/ merges with /e/. Some other varieties distinguish between the two at least partially.[5] In Ulster Scots the realisation may be [ɛː].[6] In Geordie, which is a non-rhotic dialect they are distinguished by quality; FACE is [eː], [ɪə] or [eɪ], whereas SQUARE is [ɛː], distinguished from DRESS by length.[7] The vowels are not phonemically distinct in Scottish English, which is a rhotic variety.
  5. ^ /ɔː/ is typically not distinguished from /ɔ/ in Scottish English, which features the cot-caught merger. In Geordie, the vowels are distinct as /ɔː/ for THOUGHT and NORTH and /ɒ/ for LOT and CLOTH.[7] They are normally distinct in Ulster English as well, where CLOTH has a long vowel /ɔː/.
  6. ^ /ɔ/ may merge with /o/ in Central and Southern Scots varieties.[8]
  7. ^ Stem-final /ʉ/, is diphthongised to /ʌʉ/ in Southern Scots.[1] In Geordie there is a contrastive /ʊ/ vowel which also encompasses the STRUT class, in other varieties there is a foot-goose merger with a contrastive STRUT.[7]
  8. ^ Regardless of the following /r/. English CURE stems from historical /uːr/ (in Scotland, the historical /ʊr/ has evolved into /ʌr/ instead, see nurse mergers) regardless of the preceding /j/. In Geordie (which is a non-rhotic dialect), it is a centering diphthong /uə/, whereas the historical /ʊr/ has mostly evolved into the NURSE vowel /øː/, as it has in most other accents of English.
  9. ^ /j/ merges with the preceding alveolar stop to form a postalveolar affricate in the case of yod-coalescence. Tune is best analysed as /tʃʉn/ for many speakers of Scottish English.
  10. ^ a b c Occurs only in Scots.
  11. ^ Most Central Scots varieties merge /ø/ with /e/ in long environments and with /ɪ/ in short environments, but most Northern Scots varieties merge /ø/ with /i/.[9] /ø/ generally remains [ø], sometimes [y] in short environments, in the conservative dialects of Scots spoken in parts of Perthshire and Angus, Berwickshire, Roxburghshire, East Dumfrieshire, Orkney and Shetland.[10] Before /k/ and /x/ /ø/ is often realised [(j)ʉ] or [(j)ʌ] depending on dialect.[11]
  12. ^ /ʌʉ/ may be merge with /o/ before /k/ in many Modern Scots varieties.
  13. ^ Some eastern and Southern Scots varieties may have more or less /ɛ/.[12]
  14. ^ a b c d e f Scottish English lacks the nurse mergers, which means that it distinguishes KIT /ə/, DRESS /ɛ/ and STRUT /ʌ/ before syllable-final /r/, as in fir /fər/ (with the same /ər/ as in letter /ˈlɛtər/), fern /fɛrn/ and fur /fʌr/. In other varieties of English (including Geordie, which is non-rhotic), the three vowels fall together as /ɜː/ (transcribed with ⟨øː⟩ in Geordie), though not always when the /r/ occurs between vowels (see e.g. hurry-furry merger, which Geordie lacks). In broadest Geordie NURSE partially falls together with /ɔː/, but the latter is [aː] instead in some words.
  15. ^ Not distinguished from /ʊ/ in Geordie, see foot-strut split.[7]
  16. ^ In some Modern Scots varieties /a/ may merge with /ɔː/ in long environments.[13] (see below)
  17. ^ /iː/, which occurs stem final, is diphthongised to [əi] or [ei] in Southern Scots.[1]
  18. ^ Vowel 3 remains a distinct phoneme /ei/ only in some North Northern Scots varieties,[14][3] generally merging with /i/ or /e/ in other Modern Scots varieties.[3]
  19. ^ The final vowel in HAPPY is best identified as an unstressed allophone of FACE for most speakers of Scottish English and Ulster English: /ˈhape/. In Geordie, it is best identified as an unstressed allophone of FLEECE: /ˈhapiː/.[15]
  20. ^ In most Central and Southern Scots varieties /eː/ merges with /e/. Some other varieties distinguish between the two at least partially.[16] In Ulster Scots the realisation may be [ɛː].[17] In Geordie, which is a non-rhotic dialect they are distinguished by quality; FACE is [eː], [ɪə] or [eɪ], whereas SQUARE is [ɛː], distinguished from DRESS by length.[7] The vowels are not phonemically distinct in Scottish English, which is a rhotic variety.
  21. ^ /ɔː/ is typically not distinguished from /ɔ/ in Scottish English, which features the cot-caught merger. In Geordie, the vowels are distinct as /ɔː/ for THOUGHT and NORTH and /ɒ/ for LOT and CLOTH.[7] They are normally distinct in Ulster English as well, where CLOTH has a long vowel /ɔː/.
  22. ^ /ɔ/ may merge with /o/ in Central and Southern Scots varieties.[18]
  23. ^ Stem final /ʉ/, is diphthongised to /ʌʉ/ in Southern Scots.[1] In Geordie there is a contrastive /ʊ/ vowel which also encompasses the STRUT class, in other varieties there is a foot-goose merger with a contrastive STRUT.[7]
  24. ^ Regardless of the following /r/. English CURE stems from historical /uːr/ (in Scotland, the historical /ʊr/ has evolved into /ʌr/ instead, see nurse mergers) regardless of the preceding /j/. In Geordie (which is a non-rhotic dialect), it is a centering diphthong /uə/, whereas the historical /ʊr/ has mostly evolved into the NURSE vowel /øː/, as it has in most other accents of English.
  25. ^ /j/ merges with the preceding alveolar stop to form a postalveolar affricate in the case of yod-coalescence. Tune is best analysed as /tʃʉn/ for many speakers of Scottish English.
  26. ^ Most Central Scots varieties merge /ø/ with /e/ in long environments and with /ɪ/ in short environments, but most Northern Scots varieties merge /ø/ with /i/.[19] /ø/ generally remains [ø], sometimes [y] in short environments, in the conservative dialects of Scots spoken in parts of Perthshire and Angus, Berwickshire, Roxburghshire, East Dumfrieshire, Orkney and Shetland.[20] Before /k/ and /x/ /ø/ is often realised [(j)ʉ] or [(j)ʌ] depending on dialect.[21]
  27. ^ /ʌʉ/ may be merge with /o/ before /k/ in many Modern Scots varieties.
  28. ^ Some eastern and Southern Scots varieties may have more or less /ɛ/.[22]
  29. ^ Not distinguished from /ʊ/ in Geordie, see foot-strut split.[7]
  30. ^ In some Modern Scots varieties /a/ may merge with /ɔː/ in long environments.[13] (see below)
  31. ^ a b c d Most function words (am, can, had, etc.) and some learned or less common words (Afghan, alas, asterisk, etc.) have [æ].
  32. ^ In Philadelphia, the irregular verbs began, ran, swam, and wan (variant of won) have [æ].[25]
  33. ^ In Philadelphia, bad, mad, and glad alone have [eə].
  34. ^ In New England, Pittsburgh,[32] and Florida[23] and in scatterings through the Midland US,[33] the (mostly coastal) Southern US, and the Western US,[23]
    the quality of /æ/ is more close before /m, n/, more mid before /d/ (and possibly other voiced stops like /b, ɡ, dʒ/), and more open elsewhere.[34] However, in most of the Western US and elsewhere
    in the Midland US,[23] it is more continuous, though still the most close before /m, n/.
  35. ^ In New York City, exceptional [eə] is found notably in avenue and variably before /dʒ/ as in imagine and magic.[36]
  1. ^ a b c d Introduction. p. xxx. Archived from the original on 2014-08-19. {{cite book}}: |work= ignored (help)
  2. ^ Scottish National Dictionary, Introduction p. xxxvi Archived 17 May 2013 at the Wayback Machine
  3. ^ a b c d A History of Scots to 1700, pp. xcviii
  4. ^ Wells, John C. (1982), Accents of English, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-22919-7, (vol. 1)
  5. ^ Aitken A.J. (1981) 'The Scottish Vowel-Length Rule' in 'So meny People Longages and Tonges' Benskin, M. and Samuels M.S. (eds). p. 151.
  6. ^ Johnston P. Regional Variation in Jones C. (1997) The Edinburgh History of the Scots Language, Edinburg University Press, p. 465.
  7. ^ a b c d e f g h Cite error: The named reference wattallen was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  8. ^ Aitken A.J. (1981) 'The Scottish Vowel-Length Rule' in 'So meny People Longages and Tonges' Benskin, M. and Samuels M.S. (eds). p. 152.
  9. ^ Aitken A.J. (1984) 'Scottish Accents and Dialects' in 'Language in the British Isles' Trudgill, P. (ed). p. 99.
  10. ^ Aitken A.J. (1981) 'The Scottish Vowel-Length Rule' in 'So meny People Longages and Tonges' Benskin, M. and Samuels M.S. (eds). p. 144-145.
  11. ^ Scottish National Dictionary, Introduction p. xix
  12. ^ Aitken A.J. (1984) 'Scottish Accents and Dialects' in 'Language in the British Isles' Trudgill, P. (ed). p. 101.
  13. ^ a b Aitken A.J. (1981) 'The Scottish Vowel-Length Rule' in 'So meny People Longages and Tonges' Benskin, M. and Samuels M.S. (eds). p. 150.
  14. ^ Scottish National Dictionary, Introduction p. xxxvi Archived 17 May 2013 at the Wayback Machine
  15. ^ Wells, John C. (1982), Accents of English, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-22919-7, (vol. 1)
  16. ^ Aitken A.J. (1981) 'The Scottish Vowel-Length Rule' in 'So meny People Longages and Tonges' Benskin, M. and Samuels M.S. (eds). p. 151.
  17. ^ Johnston P. Regional Variation in Jones C. (1997) The Edinburgh History of the Scots Language, Edinburg University Press, p. 465.
  18. ^ Aitken A.J. (1981) 'The Scottish Vowel-Length Rule' in 'So meny People Longages and Tonges' Benskin, M. and Samuels M.S. (eds). p. 152.
  19. ^ Aitken A.J. (1984) 'Scottish Accents and Dialects' in 'Language in the British Isles' Trudgill, P. (ed). p. 99.
  20. ^ Aitken A.J. (1981) 'The Scottish Vowel-Length Rule' in 'So meny People Longages and Tonges' Benskin, M. and Samuels M.S. (eds). p. 144-145.
  21. ^ Scottish National Dictionary, Introduction p. xix
  22. ^ Aitken A.J. (1984) 'Scottish Accents and Dialects' in 'Language in the British Isles' Trudgill, P. (ed). p. 101.
  23. ^ a b c d Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), p. 182. sfnp error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFLabovAshBoberg2006 (help)
  24. ^ a b c Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), pp. 173–4. sfnp error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFLabovAshBoberg2006 (help)
  25. ^ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), p. 238. sfnp error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFLabovAshBoberg2006 (help)
  26. ^ a b Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), pp. 178, 180. sfnp error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFLabovAshBoberg2006 (help)
  27. ^ a b Boberg (2008), p. 145.
  28. ^ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), pp. 175–7. sfnp error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFLabovAshBoberg2006 (help)
  29. ^ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), p. 183. sfnp error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFLabovAshBoberg2006 (help)
  30. ^ Baker, Mielke & Archangeli (2008).
  31. ^ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), pp. 181–2. sfnp error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFLabovAshBoberg2006 (help)
  32. ^ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), p. 181. sfnp error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFLabovAshBoberg2006 (help)
  33. ^ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), p. 175. sfnp error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFLabovAshBoberg2006 (help)
  34. ^ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), p. 174. sfnp error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFLabovAshBoberg2006 (help)
  35. ^ a b Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), pp. 82, 123, 177, 179. sfnp error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFLabovAshBoberg2006 (help)
  36. ^ Labov (2007), p. 359.


/æ/ raising in North American English[1]
Environment Phonemic systems Non-phonemic (continuous) systems
Consonant after /æ/ Example words New York City & New Orleans Baltimore & Philadelphia General US, Florida, Midland US, New England, & Western US Canadian, Northwest US, & Upper Midwest US Southern US & Black Vernacular Great Lakes US
/m, n/ Checked: aunt, fan, ham, pants, plan, lamb, understand,[2] etc.[a] [eə][4] [iə][b] [ɛə~æ] [ɛə~eə] [eə]
Free: animal, ceramic, manatee, Montana, planet, Spanish,[5] etc.[note 1] [æ][7]
/ɡ/ Checked: bag, drag, tag,[8] etc. [eə][9] [æ][10] [æ][c] [eːɪ̯][17][d] continuous [eʲ] [ɛ(j)ə~æ] [ɛə~æ]
Free: agate, dragon, magazine, etc. [æ][19]
/b, d, dʒ, ʃ/ Checked: bad, flash, glad, grab, mad, sad,[20] etc.[e] [eə][21] continuous [æ] [eə~ɛə]
/f, s, θ/ Checked: ask, bath, calf, half, glass,[22] etc. [eə][23]
Others as, back, frank, happy, locality;[24] etc. [æ][25]
For the phoneme /æ/, [eə] represents a tense pronunciation and [æ] a non-tense (or lax) pronunciation. The term "continuous" refers to a system without a decisive phonemic split of /æ/, followed by whichever allophone predominates in the given context.

Notes

  1. ^ In Philadelphia, began, ran, and swam alone remain lax.[3]
  2. ^ Exact allophones vary by region's or even individual's participation in a nasal or continuous system.
  3. ^ In New England, Pittsburgh,[11] and Florida[12] and in scatterings through the Midland US,[13] the (mostly coastal) Southern US, and the Western US,[14] /æ/ is more close before /m, n/, more mid before /b, g, d, dʒ/, and more open elsewhere.[15] However, in most of the Western US and elsewhere in the Midland US,[16] possible pronunciations of /æ/ are more continuous, though still the most close before /m, n/.
  4. ^ In Minnesota and Wisconsin especially, /æ/ raising before /g/ is often strong enough to produce a merger of /æg/ and /eɪg/, for example causing haggle and Hegel to be homophones.[18]
  5. ^ In Philadelphia, bad, mad, and glad alone in this set become tense.
Footnotes
  • Nearly all American English speakers pronounce /æŋ/ somewhere between [æŋ] and [eɪŋ], though Western speakers specifically favor [eɪŋ].
  • The Great Lakes dialect traditionally tenses /æ/ in all cases to at least some degree, but reversals of that tensing before non-nasal consonants (while often maintaining some of the other vowel shifts of the region) has been observed recently where it has been studied (in Lansing and Syracuse).
  • In American phonology, /æ/ before /r/ is often transcribed as /ɛ/ due to the prevalence of the Mary–marry merger. However, a distinct /æ/ before /r/ remains in much of the Northeastern U.S. (strongest in Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New York, New Jersey, Philadelphia, and Baltimore) and some of the Southern U.S.


TENSE": magic, imagine,

checked /b, d, dʒ/ or any old /b, d, ʃ, v, z/?

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A chart of the pronunciation of stressed /ɒr/ and /ɔːr/ before a vowel
represented by the diaphoneme /ɒr/ represented by the diaphoneme /ɔr/
pronounced [ɒɹ] in mainstream England pronounced [ɔːɹ] in mainstream England
pronounced [ɒɹ] in Boston pronounced [ɔɹ] in Boston
pronounced [ɔɹ] in Canada
pronounced [ɒɹ~ɑɹ] in New York City pronounced [ɔɹ] in New York City
pronounced [ɑɹ] in the mainstream United States pronounced [ɔɹ] in the mainstream United States
these five words only:
borrow, morrow,
sorry, sorrow,
tomorrow 		corridor, euphoric,
foreign, forest,
Florida, historic,
horrible, majority,
minority, moral,
orange, Oregon,
origin, porridge,
priority, quarantine,
quarrel, sorority,
warranty, warren,
warrior (etc.) 		aura, boring,
choral, deplorable,
flooring, flora,
glory, hoary,
memorial, menorah,
orientation, Moorish,
oral, pouring,
scorer, storage,
story, Tory,
warring (etc.)
  1. ^ Labov, William; Ash, Sharon; Boberg, Charles (2006). The Atlas of North American English. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 182. ISBN 3-11-016746-8.
  2. ^ Labov, 2006, pp. 173-4.
  3. ^ Labov, 2006, p. 238.
  4. ^ Labov, 2006, p. 173.
  5. ^ Labov, 2006, pp. 173-4.
  6. ^ Trager, George L. (1940) One Phonemic Entity Becomes Two: The Case of 'Short A' in American Speech: 3rd ed. Vol. 15: Duke UP. 256. Print.
  7. ^ Labov, 2006, p. 173.
  8. ^ Labov, 2006, p. 174.
  9. ^ Labov, 2006, pp. 173-4.
  10. ^ Labov, 2006, pp. 173-4.
  11. ^ Labov, 2006, p. 181.
  12. ^ Labov, 2006, p. 182.
  13. ^ Labov, 2006, p. 175.
  14. ^ Labov, 2006, pp. 182.
  15. ^ Labov, 2006, p. 174.
  16. ^ Labov, 2006, pp. 182.
  17. ^ Boberg, 2008, p. 145
  18. ^ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), pp. 181–2. sfnp error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFLabovAshBoberg2006 (help)
  19. ^ Labov, 2006, pp. 173-4.
  20. ^ Labov, 2006, pp. 173-4.
  21. ^ Labov, 2006, pp. 173-4.
  22. ^ Labov, 2006, pp. 173-4.
  23. ^ Labov, 2006, pp. 173.
  24. ^ Labov, 2006, pp. 173-4.
  25. ^ Labov, 2006, pp. 173-4.


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