1583 Assembly of Notables

Château de Saint-Germain-en-Laye where the Assembly of Notables met to consider Henri's proposals of financial reform for the kingdom

The 1583 Assembly of Notables (French: Assemblée des notables de 1583) was a gathering of much of the political elite of the kingdom of France in addition to financial and technical experts in administration. The meeting hoped to reform France's shaky financial situation. Efforts towards the financial reform of the kingdom had been a feature of the reign of king Henri III since the Estates General of 1576. The crown was in a great amount of debt, and the royal taxes were increasingly insufferable to the French people. In the Grand Ordonnance de Blois issued in 1579, which summarised many of the requests of the Estates General, a large number of financial reforms were put forward. However, Henri was forced to turn to various expedients due to the financial demands of first the civil wars, then his brother the duc d'Alençon's military exploits in Nederland and then the needs to pay off the foreign mercenaries to whom the crown was indebted. By 1582 Henri, faced with increasing resistance to the crowns financial policy from the provinces, was resolved to break the pattern of expedients.

In August 1582 he established commissioners who were to go out into the provinces and find out the grieviances of the royal officers and the representative assemblies of the kingdom. Where they identified officials to be guilty of abuses they were also to apply sanctions. Having toured the kingdom, the various groups of commissioners were summoned to arrive back in Paris for September 1583. The conclusions of their tour were to be summarised for council and then form the basis for an Assembly of Notables. The Assembly of Notables opened in November 1583 and contained 66 participants, largely embodying administrative experts and functionaries, but also many of the great nobles of the kingdom such as the cardinal de Bourbon. Opening the Assembly on 18 November, Henri presented to the notables a radical tax plan, first presented to the Estates General of 1576 by which several existing taxes would be abolished and replaced with a single income/wealth tax structued over 30 bands. This was unpalatable to the assembled notables who proposed instead that Henri work towards the redemption of the royal domain (much of which had been alienated into private hands to raise short term funds) rather than raising new taxes. The cardinal de Bourbon implored Henri to re-establish unity of religion in the kingdom, but Henri dismissed his pleas. After two months of deliberation, the Assembly presented to Henri in February a host of proposals, among which were a reduction in the size of the army, a reviewal of the contracts made with the tax farmers and those to whom he had alienated elements of the royal domain a revitalisation of French manufacturing and a suppression of abuses in tax collection. Over the following year, Henri's edicts would embody many financial policies championed by the Assembly, including a reform of the military, the reissuing and consolidation of several tax farms at a more favourable rate, the establishment of a court to punish financial abuses and the suppression of the unpopular taille (land tax) in areas it had been recently introduced into. In 1585 Henri enjoyed the fruits of these efforts in a radically reduced royal deficit. However the reforms were not able to entrench further as France fell into a politico-religious crisis as represented by the uprising of the Catholic ligue (league).

Financial crisis

Debt and mismanagement

Henri III king of France from 1574 to 1589, within whose reign France would be challenged by a financial crisis

Duc d'Alençon, brother of king Henri III whose activities in Nederland caused him a financial headache

During the latter 1570s the kingdoms financial situation was precarious. In 1576, for example, the royal revenues totalled around 14,000,000 livres, while the state debt equalled 101,000,000 livres. In light of this situation, king Henri III abandoned the notion of sweeping away venal office (state offices that you paid to acquire) expanded the alienation of the royal domain (selling off crown lands to private individuals) and undertook a program of taxing the towns while also subjecting them to forced loans. In an effort to control inflation in 1577, it was proposed that the écu (crown) be re-valued as being equivalent to three livres (pounds). In the edict of Poitiers the accounting system of the kingdom was tied to the écu au soleil as opposed to a fictional accounting unit. While this controlled inflation to a certain degree, over time the accounting unit of the écu began to diverge from the physical currency.

The provinces baulked at the fiscal demands of the crown in 1578–1579, with the provincial Estates of Bourgogne, Bretagne and Normandie refusing to yield despite the sending of royal commissioners. To this end they cited their privileges. Real reform was demanded. In 1579 Henri issued the Grand Ordonnance de Blois which was composed of 363 articles and aimed at addressing grievances raised in the Estates General of 1576. This ordonnance declared a reduction in the membership of the sovereign courts and présidieux courts, prohibited the venality of office and legislated on the alienation of the royal domain. It also weighed in on the kings household, the functioning of the army, access to ecclesiastical office and the various responsibilities of members of the royal courts. While the peace's of Bergerac in 1577 and Fleix in 1580 relieved some of the financial pressures on the crown this was not to last. During 1580 Henri tasked four financial specialists (Antoine de Nicolay, the seigneur de Chenailles, Pierre de Fit and Nicolas du Gué) with studying the practicality of the redemption of the royal domain. This commission informed him of the overall value of the royal domain (alienated or not), which was put at around 50,000,000 livres. The exploration of the possibility of repurchases was not able to progress significantly before Henri was obliged to alienate more of the royal domain.

From 1581 Henri was burdened with a new expenditure, the financial support of his brother (the duc d'Alençon's) military exploits in Nederland. The alternative to backing this endeavour would be to face another revolt from Alençon in France. Thus peace with the Protestants alone would not be sufficient to restore the kingdom to financial stability. In November 1581 he declared the expansion of retrait lignager (rules of property alienation as regards inheritance) would be in force throughout the kingdom of France, including those areas in the south of the kingdom which operated on written law as opposed to customary law. In July 1582 Henri renewed the French alliance with some of the Swiss cantons and made a treaty with them at Solothurn concerning the arrears of their pay as mercenaries that cost the crown 600,000 écus. These expenses forced him to once more turn to expedients and he alienated more of the royal domain, created more venal offices, took out 6 new loans and instituted further taxes on the clergy, cloth and wine. In Picardie and Champagne there were riots against paying the new aide on cloth and wine during the summer of 1582. With these disorders threatening to spread into the south, Henri turned to his brother in October to aid with matters. Chevallier argues that fortunately for Henri, the duc d'Alençon refused. On 2 August, it was admitted in conseil that the royal budget deficit equalled around 200,000 écus.

Breaking bad habits

By 1582, Henri was looking for a way out of the cycle of financial expedients required to keep the balance sheet afloat. According to the English ambassador he kept scribes nearby him at all times to record his ideas for fiscal remedies. The first step in this direction was taken on 27 May 1582 when the conseil des finances (finance council) received orders to meet from 13:00 every day for two hours to explore methods by which the king could be restored to his domains and other incomes, such that he could live off his own lands and spare the people their troubles. During a meeting of the conseil d'État on 16 July, Henri announced his intention that an investigation would be undertaken towards the duel purpose of the domain's redemption and the relief of the peoples sufferings. The realm was divided into six sections, each of which would be the responsibility of a group of four commissioners. The commissions were sent out to the commissioners from 3 to 6 August. Each area was to be overseen by a commission of four and was led by a prelate, and contained a member of the conseil privé (privy council) who had experience of war, a magistrate and an expert in finance. The historian Karcher notes that the second figure of the group was a 'noble of average importance who had offered years of service to Henri either as a soldier or a diplomat'. The Lyonnais, Dauphiné and Provence were entrusted to the bishop of Nantes, the seigneur d'Abain, Jacques Baillet an advisor to the grand conseil and Charles Le Comte one of the maître des comptes (master of accounts). Languedoc and Guyenne were the responsibility of the archbishop of Vienne, the sieur de Maintenon, Jean Forget a conseiller in the Paris Parlement and Denis Barthélemey one of the maìtre des comptes. For Normandie and Bretagne were given the archbishop of Lyon, the the seigneur de La Mothe-Fénelon, the seigneur de Blancmesnil one of the maître des requêtes and Pierre de Fitte de Soucy a former trésorier de l'Épargne. The final group whose membership is known is that responsible for the Île de France, Picardie and Champagne which was composed of the bishop of Châlons, the comte de Marennes, Jacques de Bauquemare one of the maître des requêtes and a man named Beaurains who Karcher imagines to be a financier. These commissions departed from the court during October. Ahead of them travelled notices from the king to the provinces, ordering the officials and bodies to be ready to answer the commissions questions. These commissions visited all the provinces of the kingdom.

Alongside this, in early 1583, Henri looked to bring about the alienation of 100,000 écus (crowns) of the churches property. This was greeted with strong resistance form the clergy in a Paris assembly on 28 March. Henri also ran into opposition on the conseil privé. He dispatched his sécretaire (secretary) Jules Gassot to negotiate on the matter with the Pope in Roma. Through the Papal Nunzio (the Pope's ambassador and representative), the Pope warned Henri that if he persisted in his designs against church property the sacrament would be refused to him. Stung, Henri was forced to retreat from the project. On 19 March, Henri declared the prohibition of the importation of foreign luxury goods into the kingdom. That same month a new regulation of the taille was instituted by the king.

Commissions to the provinces

Arriving in a province, the commission would liaise with the governor and his lieutenants to be assured of their backing during the stay. The commissioners would then enquire as to the religious, political and economic situation in the province. They were to make it clear to the notables that Henri intended for the edicts of pacification to be abided by so that his subjects might live in peace. The commissioners carried sealed letters from the king explaining the specific troubles of the province they were in. They would then tour the cities of the province and convene representative assemblies. It would not just be in the cities that they conducted their enquiries but also through stopping regularly in their travels to speak with tax collectors and churchwardens. The local Estates would also be consulted, and all financial officials, be they of the state or of the church quizzed. It was to be explained to the provincial Estates Henri did not desire to increase taxation but rather to cure the issues that might cause the collapse of the kingdom. If the commissioners were subject to demands for an Estates General they were to ignore them. By this means it was hoped all facets of public life that required the crowns attention could be seen, and further any grievances as to the present state of things aired.

In such instances as they identified royal officials, nobles or clerics to be guilty of abuses (be it their abuse of power, disobedience or embezzlement) the commissioners were authorised to apply sanctions on the official.

The commissioners received a cool greeting from the local authorities with which they met. Despite this they applied serious effort to the task at hand, spending six months in the pursuit of their missions. They left a heavy mark in the local archives of the places they visited.

It is challenging, due to the paucity of surviving documents to follow the courses of the commissions. It is known however that the commission that arrived in the Lyonnais oversaw a reform of justice.

Karcher describes these commissions as a particularly original innovation of Henri due to the tripartite mission they were undertaking. The combination of a national consultation, administrative reform and investigation was a novelty.

In May and June 1583, committees were formed to investigate the possibility of reducing the number of judicial officials and reforming the hospitals of the kingdom. The investigation into reform of the hospitals was lead by the parlementaire La Guesle and the grand aumônier (great chaplain) Jacques Amyot.

Preparation for an Assembly of Notables

Catherine, mother of Henri III and the duc d'Alençon who supported her son during the Assembly of Notables

On 30 June 1583, Henri summoned the commissioners to return to the capital, aiming to rendezvous in Paris on 10 September. This was to have them arrive 5 days before the intended start date of the Assembly of Notables, which he looked to begin on 15 September. However the plague was carving a path through Paris, so this was reconsidered. At the same time as he called back the commissioners he sent a summons to the various princes du sang (princes of the blood) and 'several other lords' so that they might hear the results of the commissioners work and make suggestions as to how to resolve the problems raised.

Henri arrived at the royal residence of the château de Saint-Germain-en-Laye with the court on 9 October, having been at Bourbon-Lancy. It would be here that the Assembly met.

Upon the return of the commissioners to court in October 1583 they received the order on 4 November to prepare a unified general report upon which they were to meet together every day until it was ready. A 48 chapter report would presented to the royal conseil. This was supplemented by a memorandum on each province, where general grievances and specific matters were outlined. Only those of Bretagne and Normandie survive in the record. The documents outline the poor state of royal finances, and the frustration of the French people at the burden of the direct and indirect taxations they were subject to. The commissioners noted the demoralised nature of the clergy who required an external renewal to undertake an internal one. The plague of militant bands that terrorised the kingdom was also noted with disapproval. Finally it was opined that little corruption among the kings officials had been observed, but that the judiciary was subject to intimidation.

By the Autumn of 1583, Henri's sécretaire d'État (secretary of state) the seigneur de Villeroy was growing concerned that France was faced with an increasingly urgent crisis of both internal and external dangers. In particular the threat of invasion by the mercenary army of Pfalz-Simmern for his unpaid debts.

Meeting of the Assembly

Choice of body

An Assembly of Notables would be convened to analyse the results of the investigations that had been undertaken and act as consultants for the remedies to be taken. This was a more savoury alternative to the prospect of convening a new Estates General for the king. Henri hoped that the notables would be able to facilitate a reorganisation of the French tax regimen. In addition to this the grand promises of the Grand Ordonnance de Blois could at last be realised, and the internal problems of the kingdom resolved so that France could reorientate towards an international focus for competition with España.

This was Henri's second convening of an 'Assembly of Notables' his first turn to the institution having been in 1575.

The announcement of the Assembly of Notables was a cause of both concern and relief for the ecclesiastical bodies. On the one hand it raised the spectre of a new attempt at alienations of church domains. However, on the other, it would so overwhelm Henri with various matters that it might protect the church from being made the source of the king's financial relief. There would be a number of senior prelates among the attendees also.

The first draft of the program for the assembly was drawn up on 9 October, the day Henri arrived at Saint-Germain-en-Laye. It was intended that the Assembly first be presented with the report drawn up by the commissioners, then a summary of the taxes that had been raised in 1583 alongside the royal expenditures. The abolition of various offices of finance would then be discussed. After this the 1580 report into the situation of the royal domain would be presented. The assembled notable would advise the king on the best means of securing redemption of the domain. Justice would follow from this, facilitated by a report from the président La Guesle. The possibility of military reform would then be broached upon the advise of maréchal de Retz (marshal of Retz). The final subject of discussion would be the suppression of abuses in the Catholic church. Through October and November the government worked towards a survey which the notables would be required to respond to and the projects upon which they would work. Karcher argues that the thoroughness of the royal preparations, which had been put in the hands of specialists meant that the notables would in most cases do little to modify the projects that were put before them.

Attendees

Cardinal de Birague who would die early into the meeting of the Assembly of Notables

Comte de Cheverny who would succeed Birague as chancelier and take his place at the Assembly due to Birague being on death's door

In attendance would be 66 persons. Each received a personal invitation from the king. Those invited included the princes du sang (princes of the blood - agnatic blood relations of the royal family), the officiers de la couronne (officers of the crown), twenty six conseillers d'État (state councillors), the royal sécretaires, ten commanders of the royal compagnies d'ordonnance (ordinance companies), around half a dozen governors of various provinces, seven jurists, two diplomats and representatives of the two principal royal favourites: duc de Joyeuse, duc d'Épernon. Representatives of the queen mother Catherine and the king's brother the duc d'Alençon would also be in attendance. All those who had served as commissioners in the provinces were among the attendees. The historian Salmon characterises it largely as an assembly of 'technical experts'. Protestant notables were notably absent.

The various Notables had begun gathering at the court from October. Karcher argues the Assembly did not begin at this time for several reasons. Firstly, Catherine was still undertaking her mission to secure the presence of Alençon. Secondly, around this time, representatives from the various provincial Estates of Languedoc, Provence, Guyenne, Bourgogne, and Bretagne had arrived at the court to protest tax increases. According to the English ambassador Henri wished to delay the start of the Assembly until their departure. Indeed on 5 November, these deputies who had gathered in a large room of Saint-Germain-en-Laye were removed from the room, and invited to instead present their concerns in writing to the king. Nevertheless they would sit in on the early sessions of the Assembly. Henri ensured they were absent from the important debates of the Assembly. By 9 December, it is reported most of them had left, this was before the actual deliberations on the crowns proposals had begun and thus these representatives did not truly participate.

Alençon and Catherine

Henri had hoped his brother Alençon would join him for the Assembly, and sent a request to this effect through the dispatch of his mother Catherine to La Fère to meet with the prince in August. Catherine informed her son that Henri was hoping that both he and the baron de Biron would be present for the upcoming Assembly of Notables, so that they might explain the situation in Nederland. Catherine had no success in convincing him to attend, and would later report that 'malicious individuals' had convinced Alençon the Assembly would work to his disadvantage. She scolded him for disobeying the king, and promised him money if he returned immediately to the French court. Around this time, Alençon had developed a high fever, and for the princes biographer Holt it is clear that this was the true reason for his absence. Catherine did not put much stock in his illness.

Representing Catherine during the proceedings would be one of her conseillers named Scipion de Fiesque. Meanwhile, the duc d'Alençon was represented by a noble of his household named the seigneur de Ponts.

Princes du sang

For the princes du sang in attendance would be the cardinal de Bourbon, his nephew the cardinal de Vendôme and the marquis de Conti.

Of the princes du sang, both the Protestant prince de Condé and Protestant king of Navarre would be absent. Neither wished to come to the assembly to deliver their remonstrances. Navarre declined to attend on the grounds that it was not proper for a prince to deliver a petition. The king of Navarre would however send the seigneur de Clervant to Henri, to provide the French king the Protestants' requests. The Catholic duc de Montpensier was also absent, Karcher speculates he may have been busy in Vlaanderen, or Dauphiné.

Princes

For the princes of sovereign houses in attendance would be the duc de Guise, duc d'Aumale, duc de Mercœur and duc de Nevers.

The duc de Mayenne and duc d'Elbeuf were both absent from the assembly. Karcher puts out the possibility they remained in the provinces so they could be a cause of disorder.

Favourites

The chief royal favourites sent representatives to stand for their interests. The duc d'Épernon was represented by his elder brother the seigneur de La Valette, while the duc de Joyeuse was represented by his younger brother the comte de Bouchage. Épernon was also present himself. Joyeuse could not be in attendance as he was in Roma attempting to secure funds from the Pope. The old royal favourite Villequier was in attendance.

Military officers

For the maréchaux (marshals) would be the baron de Biron, the comte de Retz and seigneur d'Aumont. This was three of the four maréchaux. Among the other men with military offices would be the maréchal de camp Lenoncourt 'le jeune' one of the capitaines des gardes du roi (captains of the king's guard) the seigneur de Rambouillet and the capitaine de cent gentilhommes du roi (captain of 100 gentleman of the king) the seigneur de Chavigny.

The maréchal de Matignon did not attend. He was occupied in the south of France working towards the appeasement of the Protestants.

Governors

For the governors of cities or provinces would be the governor of Angoulême the marquis de Ruffec; the governor of Narbonne the baron de Rieux ; the governor of Lisieux the seigneur de Fumichon; the governor of Mézières La Vieuville and the former governor of Provence the comte de Suze.

Officers of the crown

For the officers of the crown would be the chancelier (chancellor) Cheverny. Cheverny occupied the position of garde des sceaux (holder of the royal seals - de facto chancelier) prior to his elevation to chancelier in November 1583 upon the death of the previous incumbent the cardinal de Birague. Also present were the premier maître d'hôtel du roi Combault; the grand prévôt (great provost) the sieur de Richelieu; the grand maître des eaux et forêts (grand master of the waters and forests) baron de La Guerche; the grand aumônier Amyot; the premier écuyer du roi the seigneur de Sourdis and the king's doctor Miron.

For the royal financial offices would be the trésorier de l'Épargne the seigneur de Soucy; four maîtres des comptes (the seigneur de Miron, de Pleurs, Le Comte and Barthélemy) and two intendants des finances (the seigneur de Chenailles and the seigneur de Wideville).

Men of the church

For the ecclesiastics: the bishop of Paris; the bishop of Châlons who had served in the commissions of 1582; the archbishop of Vienne who had served in the commissions of 1582; the bishop of Nantes who had served in the commissions of 1582; the archbishop of Lyon who had served in the commission of 1582.

Men of the robe

For the royal courts, the former premier président of the Parlement of Rouen Bauquemare; the président Brisson; the président La Guesle; the président Faucon; the conseiller Forget; the lieutenant-civil Antoine Séguier; the avocat général a la cour d'aides du Gue and two maître des requêtes (the seigneur de Champigny, the seigneur de Blancmesnil).

Other attendees

Among the other nobles would be the seigneur de Puyguillard; the seigneur de Maintenon who had served in the commissions of 1582; the seigneur d'Abain who had served in the commissions of 1582; the baron de Cessac; the comte de La Vauguyon; the seigneur de Piennes; the former French ambassador to España the baron de Saint-Gouard; the future ambassador to England the baron de Châteauneuf; the former ambassador to England the prieur de Champagne; the former ambassador to the Council of Trent the seigneur de Lanssac and the diplomat the comte de Nanteuil.

There would also be a 'Monsieur Marcel'; in addition to Beaurains and Baillet who had served in the commissions of 1582

Opening of the Assembly

Cardinal de Bourbon who would remonstrate with the king towards the opening of the Assembly

Having been delayed by the plague, Alençon and the delegates from the provincial Estates, the assembly would open on 18 November 1583. The minutes of the notables' discussions do not survive.

Henri delivered the opening address before the assembly. He raised the unfortunate spectre that the ruin of the state might follow if their deliberations were not successful. He hoped that by their meeting they might see to the good of the state and the alleviation of the suffering of the people. Henri reminded the assembled notables that god had granted him a power above all others, but that he could not achieve the ends he desired without their support. Peace alone would not suffice for the good of the state and people, better laws were needed. To achieve these ends the kingdoms financial position would need to be assured. To drive this point home to the Notables gathered at Saint-Germain, a document titled Estat du domaine et des finances de France (the state of the domain and the finances of France) was distributed, as well as a retrospective on royal finances since 1494. The work began with a table which broke down the various elements of state property then moved on to a discussion of tax revenues from 1494 to 1581. Karcher highlights the accuracy of the figures presented to the notables in this document. It is because of this she states that it would become such a reproduced work in the proceeding two centuries. These documents had been drawn up by four maîtres des comptes (members of the chambre des comptes - chamber of accounts). Further information was provided to the Assembly including a summary of the income enjoyed by the clergy, the bénéfices at the disposal of the crown, a summary of the royal debts, the commitments of the domain and the study into the hospitals that had been commissioned back in May.

After Henri had spoken it was the turn of Cheverny, who spoke in lieu of the chancelier Birague as the latter was dying. Cheverny lauded the king for his desire to see the kingdom restored to its former health, and interest in the welfare of his people. Cheverny noted this was an example for the notables assembled to follow during the meeting.

On the third day of the Assembly, a magistrate of the Paris parlement (the French sovereign courts) named La Guesle challenged the practice of the archbishop of Rouen to pardon and release a convict every Easter. The cardinal de Bourbon (who was also the archbishop of Rouen) responded angrily that La Guesle was interested in self aggrandisement, and that the judiciary was corrupt. La Guesle objected to this. Bourbon then turned and fell to his knees in front of the king begging Henri to restore uniform Catholicism in France. Henri was put out by this display from Bourbon and replied "Uncle, these speeches come not from yourself: I know from where they come; speak no more to me of it". That evening, the duc de Guise visited Henri to explain away the suspicion he was aware of that he had put the words in Bourbon's mouth. He protested the thought of doing so had not occurred to him, and if it had, he would have chosen a more able man to convey the words than Bourbon.

Radical tax proposal

Henri proposed to those gathered that the taille (land tax) and the taxes on salt and wine all be replaced with a single tax that would be levied proportionate to the wealth of the household in 30 bands ranging from one sol up to 50 livres. He anticipated this would bring in between 25,000,000 and 35,000,000 livres. This plan had first been proposed by the crown during the Estates General of 1576, but had been rejected by the Third Estate then.

After subjecting the proposal to their considerations and thinking on the matter, the notables shot down the king's proposal just as had the Estates. They proposed the king instead redeem parts of the royal domain. Through control of his domain there would be no need to raise taxes. For the royal domain in the vicinity of Paris that had been alienated for 300,000 livres, Henri would, in the estimation of the notables, gain an income of 60,000 livres annually by its redemption, allowing him to pay off the price of the purchase within 6 years. As concerned financial injustices they proposed a special tribunal of parlementaires who would hear cases of corruption and fraud. Henri therefore lost another opportunity to rationalise the French tax system, but succeeded in spreading awareness of the financial problems of the kingdom.

The clerical delegates at the Assembly rejected the Gallican idea to make it so that the Pope could not absolve a subject of their duties of obedience through the issuing of an excommunication.

It was also hoped that the notables would develop an implementation of the articles that had been promulgated by the king in the 1579 Grand Ordonnance.

Division into chambers

In mid December the proceedings were divided into three chambers, these chambers were not however those of the 'three orders' but rather a cross section of nobles, clerics and officials. One of the three chambers was overseen by the cardinal de Vendôme. Henri entrusted the duc de Nevers with delivering a harangue to the nobility. The notables were presented with a program of 217 articles which touched on all aspects of administration in the kingdom. The notables drew up reports on the various mechanisms by which the identified ills could be staunched.

During December, Henri resolved to send out new commissioners into the provinces to see to the regulation of the collection of the taille, both through the clamping down of incorrect exemptions and to stop abuses committed by those who collected the tax.

Henri and his mother Catherine actively participated in the sessions of the notables. Catherine departed to meet with the duc d'Alençon at Château-Thierry on 31 December. Alençon was once again threatening the prospect of a civil war. The prince had apparently been convinced by 'malicious' members of his entourage, that Henri intended to withdraw from Alençon his prerogatives over his appanage as a way of recovering the royal domain. Catherine denied that Henri intended such, but this was not satisfactory for Alençon who demanded Henri respond to a point by point memorandum of his grievances. In addition to this, Alençon was negotiating with deputies from the Dutch Staten (States) who requested the open support of Henri for his brother. Catherine stayed two weeks but could accomplish little in this regard without Henri's backing.

A couple of members of the provincial estates who had not departed from the court and continued to challenge the king were silenced or imprisoned (as was the case with a Norman deputy who asserted that the French people could break their contract with the king, who had in his opinion already violated it) towards the end of December.

Proposals of the notables

Some of the many resolutions (which particularly focused on the management of the economy and finances) that the Assembly reached were as follows. The assembly proposed the royal army be reduced to 2,400 men. The parlementaire Barnabé Brisson was tasked with collating all the edicts and ordonnances that were presently in force. He would publish the work, a sophisticated legal synthesis that became known as the Code Henri III and was published in May 1587. The Assembly argued that Henri had been hoodwinked by his financiers. They recommended Henri undertake a review of the contracts made during the alienations of the royal domain and the allocation of tax revenues and duties (including particularly the gabelle - salt tax). Henri was to prioritise the redemption of alienated parts of the royal domain that brought their user returns over 8.33%. If he resumed control of the alienated territories he could re-lease them at a more favourable rate.

Likewise he could increase the rates for the farms (a method of tax generation by which rights to collect the tax were auctioned to the bidder who offered the king the largest sum for the right, this bidder was then authorised to collect the tax, with their profit being collection above the amount originally afforded to the king) with particular attention on the gabelle. Tax farmers had attempted to limit the publicity of the auctions and prey on the crowns financial embarrassment to secure the acceptance of lowest price for the farm. For the gabelle in particular, the involvement of many of the royal favourites and the sister of the queen with the tax had, in the opinion of the notables, allowed them to secure an overly favourable rate. Further with impunity assured before the parlements, the farmers fraudulently and violently extracted far more tax than they were meant to. The king was also advised to see Auvergne brought into line with other généralités for the gabelle, which would secure him 150,000 livres.

As concerned the taille, the Assembly advised that the trésoires généraux conduct their journeys through the provinces with a copy of the copy of the previous years roll. By this means arbitrary assessment of the tax could be avoided. False exemptions also required dealing with, and it should be the responsibility of the assessor to do so. Continued checks of those with exemptions should be undertaken.

New policing powers were also proposed. The notables suggested six judges should sit in each city that contained a parlement, with a further four outside these settlements. These figures would have responsibility for financial regulation, able to impose fines and corporal punishment.

Proposals were also made that the cities should be responsible for the maintenance of their roads. As regards the matter of begging in the cities, Lyon was the model to be followed. In Lyon alms and taxes ensured the cities needy were cared for and that orphans received relief, and apprenticeships facilitated by the city.

Despite the high prices of food, the notables dismissed the need to create municipal stores of food secured from retailers. A uniform tax rate on food was also dismissed. Rents in the towns were also high at this time. Nevertheless, the prospect of taxing those rents was also dismissed.

It was of great importance in the opinion of the notables that French manufacturing be revitalised. This would both enrich the kingdom, and reduce the 'level of vice' produced by 'idleness and poverty'. For the protection and revitalisation of the domestic silk and drapery industries, it was proposed that import of finished products be prohibited (for example English cloth) by means of domestic production, 2,000,000 livres that departed the kingdom to buy Italian silk could be avoided. To protect English sensibilities and due to treaties with the country that precluded this possibility, as opposed to a direct ban on their cloth, the king should rather set the maximum prices at which they could sell it so low that they would not wish to offer it on the French market. Such a policy would be 'like that which the English use for French goods'. The importation of the raw materials should be focused on, securing for the kingdom things such as wax, copper, red wood and hemp which should be permitted entry without charge. Stud farms were to be established to restrict the need to import expensive foreign horses. To achieve this French abbeys who possessed over a certain amount of land or income were to be expected to raise a stallion and four mares. The Assembly advised Henri to import Germans who could well exploit the countries mineral deposits. Italians too could also be brought into the realm for support with industry.

End of the Assembly, and legacy

Closure of the Assembly

The final working session of the Assembly was undertaken on 31 January. On this day, Catherine departed from Saint-Germain.

On 15 February 1584 the Assembly was drawn to a close.

Salmon sees the Assembly of Notables of 1583 as embodying the spirit of bureaucratic absolutism.

Legislative legacy in 1584–1585

Much of Henri's legislation in 1584 and 1585 would embody the proposals of the Assembly. On 9 February he issued a grand ordonnnance re-organising the royal gendarmerie. Article 40 of the ordonnance allowed commoners access to the compagnies d'ordonnance. Their pay was to be made more efficient. In March Henri issued an edict on the admiralty, then in December an edict concerning the colonel-général de l'infantrie (colonel-general of the infantry).

Henri instituted a 'spirit of economy' in the court, reducing its schedule and expenditure in a manner that caused grief among his courtiers. No longer would Henri splash large sums of money on his favourites. The ambassador of the Holy Roman Emperor reported in February 1584 on Henri's decision to stay in Saint-Germain during the conduct of carnival festivities in Paris, describing Saint-Germain as being a place 'more suitable for retirement'. Various offices were for a brief time suppressed towards the aims of ending venality.

Royal debts were to be liquidated, with a proportion of the rentes repurchased. Government stock was to be lowered.

Measures to improve the condition of hospitals were established. Begging and banditry would be curtailed. Those who were orphaned, old or disabled were to receive the support of a municipal tax so as to better.

The leases for the farming of indirect taxes were increased in value, changes were also made to the taille and gabelle. The lease of the five large tax farms (the customs of Lyon, part of the import and export duties, and the domestic taxes on cloth and wine) was annulled (despite great protest from the lease holders) and then consolidated into a single lease which was awarded on 24 May 1585 at a more favourable rate for the crown to three financiers (René Brouart a bourgeois of Paris, and the Italians Tomasso Sardini and Jean-Baptiste de Gondi). The money advanced to the king by Brouart as a result of this allowed Henri to pay his officers incomes, service the royal annuities and settle some of the crowns debts. Due to the fact the lease had been usurped from its previous holders, the lease-holders were to pay off 666,389 écus to them, and pay the king 359,833 écus per year. This was a considerable success for the king. Pernot sees this move as the first step taken by the French crown towards the general tax farm of 1680.

The royal assault on the gabelle 'party' was less successful, and abuses remained numerous. On 29 April, Henri tasked Cheverny with putting together a commission to end embezzlement abuses of the gabelle. In December 1584, the gabelle which was a very unpopular tax, was withdrawn from all areas in which it had not existed before the farm had been given to the financier Faure.

On 29 May 1584, Henri declared the creation of a special chamber of justice to examine abuses committed by tax farmers and financial officials. Pernot argues the body was less concerned with providing a just financial regimen than it was imposing fines and providing satisfaction to the people, it would order arrests and confiscations. On 9 June Cheverny went to the parlement to preside over the first session of the new chamber. Confiscations, arrests and even death penalties were declared by the body, which attempted to even go after powerful financiers like Sardini. Nevertheless, the most powerful financiers like Faure (a former farmer of the gabelle) and Sardini avoided prosecution, while Wideville was allowed to flee abroad. The body was more effective against the 'small fry'. Henri turned a blind eye to Wideville's flight due to the discreet financial services he had provided in prior times.

Spending was restricted and this delivered results. In the provincial Estates of Normandie at the end of 1584 the cahiers recorded the fruits of these efforts in a growing confidence. In 1585 the royal budget was almost balanced (with the deficit reduced to the minimal value of 363,732 écus when compared with the 1584 deficit of 1,800,000 écus). Henri ordered a breakdown of the remaining deficit in all areas except for those concerning the security of the state (the army, navy, mercenaries and embassies). Of course, the state's overall deficit remained vast, and the redemption of the royal domain incomplete, but if several years of internal peace would follow, it offered the possibility of success. However the crisis of the Catholic ligue (league) would destroy these victories. In addition to the ligueur crisis, the fundamental issues of the tax system remained unaddressed, and those who paid the taxes found themselves increasingly unwilling to pay them. At court, expenditure was also difficult to control.

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