Anglo-Turkish war of 1918–1923

Anglo-Turkish War (1918–1923)
Part of World War I and the Turkish War of Independence
Turkish forces enter Constantinople under the command of Şükrü Naili Pasha
Date 13 November 1918 – 24 July 1923 Location Constantinople, Mosul, Eskişehir, Turkish straits, Black Sea, and other places in Anatolia Result Turkish victory in Constantinople and Anatolia Armistice of Mudanya Fall of the David Lloyd George government Treaty of Lausanne Stalemate in Mosul Territorial changes Turkish Nationalists got back Constantinople and the Straits, Turks were saved from the possibility of British Mandatory.
Belligerents
Turkish National Movement Supported by: Iraqi Turkmens Soviet Russia (from 1921) Italy (from May 1919) France (from October 1921) Kingdom of Kurdistan (only in Mosul with Turks)	United Kingdom British Raj "Watani" Arab volunteers "Shabbane" Assyrian volunteers States simultaneously at war with the Turks: Greece (until September 1922) France (until October 1921) French Morocco French Tunisia French West Africa French Algeria French Armenian Legion Armenia (until December 1920) Ottoman Empire Italy (until May 1919) Georgia (in 1921) Supported by: United States Rebellions supported by Britain and the Ottoman Empire: Revolt of Ahmet Anzavur Kuva-yi Inzibatiye Koçgiri rebellion Çapanoğlu uprising Milli uprising Pontic rebellion Revenge Regiment uprising Konya rebellion Çopur Musa rebellion
Commanders and leaders
Mustafa Kemal Pasha Ali Fuat Pasha Şefik Özdemir Bey Mahmut Bey	David Lloyd George Charles Harrington George Milne Sherif Hussein Major Noel
Strength
28,000 soldiers in Constantinople, unknown in Mosul (5,000 in the Battle of Derbent)	27,419 in Constantinople 50 artillery 36 planes 16 warships 2 brigade came after the Chanak Crisis Total in Constantinople: ~38,000 unknown in Mosul (7,000 in the Battle of Derbent) 30,000-40,000 in Anatolia

The Anglo-Turkish War of 1918–1923 was a series of military campaigns during the Turkish War of Independence. The campaign resulted Turkish victory in Constantinople and Anatolia, meanwhile a stalemate in Mosul. This war was important for political autonomy of Canada from the United Kingdom.

The reasons of this campaign was the anti-Turkist actions of David Lloyd George, the invasions started because of Armistice of Mudros and the most importantly the Occupation of Constantinople.

Background

World War I

Ottoman Entry

On August 1, 1914 the Ottomans and the German Empire had a secret agreement.According to the agreement, Ottoman Empire will join World War I when German Empire declared war on Russia.The clauses of this agreement was: 1. The parties to the agreement undertake to remain neutral in the present conflict between Austria-Hungary and Serbia.

2. If Russia intervenes with active military steps and opposes Germany with a Casus Foederis through Austria-Hungary, the Ottoman Empire is also subject to a Spy Foederis.

3. In case of war, Germany will leave its military mission to the Ottoman Empire. In accordance with the previous agreements between His Excellency the Ottoman Minister of War and the Chief of the GermaI Military Mission, which came into immediate effect, the Ottoman Empire guarantees that said military mission will have effective influence in the general command of the Ottoman army.

4. In case of threat and when necessary, Germany undertakes to defend the territory of the Ottoman Empire with its armed forces.

5. This agreement has been made to protect the two countries from international complications that may arise from the current conflict; It enters into force from the moment it is signed by designated duly authorized persons and is binding with all existing decisions until December 31, 1918.

6. If any of the signing parties does not notify that the agreement will be canceled six months before the agreement's expiration date, the agreement will be extended for another five years.

Pursuit of Goeben and Breslau also plays an important role in Ottoman entry of World War I.

Two ships and One Admiral

battlecruiser SMS Goeben

light cruiser SMS Breslau

Wilhelm Souchon

Casus belli

Main article: Black Sea Raid

This section is an excerpt from Ottoman entry into World War I.[edit]

The Ottoman Empire's entry into World War I began when two recently purchased ships of its navy, which were still crewed by German sailors and commanded by their German admiral, carried out the Black Sea Raid, a surprise attack against Russian ports, on 29 October 1914. Russia replied by declaring war on 1 November 1914. Russia's allies, Britain and France, declared war on the Ottoman Empire on 5 November 1914. The reasons for the Ottoman action were not immediately clear. The Ottoman government had declared neutrality in the recently started war, and negotiations with both sides were underway.

The decision would ultimately lead to the deaths of hundreds of thousands of Ottoman citizens, the Armenian genocide, the dissolution of the empire, and the abolition of the Islamic Caliphate.

In October, Cemal Pasha instructed senior officials that Souchon was entitled to issue orders. Cemal Pasha did not write why he gave the order in his memoir. Souchon at his commission to Ottoman Navy agreed on not to exercise in the Black Sea. In October, Souchon took his heavily-flagged and bedecked ships out to the Black Sea.

On 25 October, Enver instructed Souchon to manoeuvre in the Black Sea and to attack the Russian fleet "if a suitable opportunity presented itself". That was not passed through the normal chain of command, and the Ministry of Navy ignored it. The Ottoman cabinet, including Sait Halim, was not informed.

On 26 October, the Ottoman Navy received orders for the supplying the ships stationed at the Hydarpasha. Ships were declared to be leaving for a reconnaissance exercise. There was also a sealed order from Souchon.

On 28 October, the Ottoman fleet reorganised in four combat wings. Each went to separate locations along the Russian coast.

On 29 October (1. wing), Souchon was on his preferred warship, the Goeben, and several destroyers accompanied him. He opened fire on shore batteries on Sevastapol, at 6h 30 (2. wing). The Breslau reached the Black Sea port of Theodosia exactly 6:30. He informed the local authorities that hostilities began in two hours. He shelled the port from 9 h until 22 h. Then he moved to Yalta and sank several small Russian vessels. At 10:50, he was at Novorossisysk, informed the locals, fired on shore batteries and laid 60 mines. Seven ships in the port damaged and one sunk (3. wing). Two destroyers engaged the Battle of Odessa (1914) at 6:30 a.m. They sank two gunboats and damaged granaries.

On 29 October, the Allies presented a note to Grand Vizier Said Halim Pasha to indicate that they had made an agreement with Egypt and that any hostility towards Egypt would be treated as a declaration of war.

On 29 October, the whole Ottoman fleet returned to Constantinople. Enver wrote a congratulatory letter at 17:50.

Declaration

This section is an excerpt from Ottoman entry into World War I.[edit]

The Ottoman Empire's entry into World War I began when two recently purchased ships of its navy, which were still crewed by German sailors and commanded by their German admiral, carried out the Black Sea Raid, a surprise attack against Russian ports, on 29 October 1914. Russia replied by declaring war on 1 November 1914. Russia's allies, Britain and France, declared war on the Ottoman Empire on 5 November 1914. The reasons for the Ottoman action were not immediately clear. The Ottoman government had declared neutrality in the recently started war, and negotiations with both sides were underway.

The decision would ultimately lead to the deaths of hundreds of thousands of Ottoman citizens, the Armenian genocide, the dissolution of the empire, and the abolition of the Islamic Caliphate.

The Ottomans refused an Allied demand to expel German naval and military missions. The Ottoman Navy destroyed a Russian gunboat on 29 October at 6:30 a.m. at the Battle of Odessa. On 31 October 1914, the Ottomans formally entered the war on the side of the Central Powers. Russia declared war on 1 November 1914. The first conflict with Russia was the Bergmann Offensive of Caucasus Campaign on 2 November 1914.

On 3 November, the British ambassador left Constantinople, and a British naval squadron off the Dardanelles bombarded the outer defensive forts at Kum Kale on the northern Asian coast and Seddülbahir on the southern tip of the Gallipoli Peninsula. A British shell hit a magazine in one of the forts, knocked the guns off their mounts and killed 86 soldiers.

On 2 November, the Grand Vizier expressed regret to the Allies for the operations of the Navy. The Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Sergey Sazonov, declared that it was too late and that Russia considered the raid an act of war. The Ottoman Cabinet explained in vain that hostilities had begun without its sanction by German officers serving in the Navy. The Allies insisted on reparations to Russia, the dismissal of German officers from the Goeben and Breslau and the internment of the German ships until the end of the war.

On 5 November, before the Ottoman government had responded, the United Kingdom and France also declared war on the Ottomans. The Ottomans declared a jihad later that month and started the Caucasus Campaign with an offensive against the Russians to regain their former provinces. The Mesopotamian Campaign began with a British landing at Basra.

On 11 November 1914, Sultan Mehmed V declared war on Britain, France and Russia. On 13 November 1914, there was a ceremony in which justification of the war was presented to the Sultan Mehmed V. On 14 November came the official declaration of war by the CUP, the party that dominated the chamber. The Chamber's declaration could be stated as "declaration of existence of the war". The entire affair was completed in three days.

The Ottomans prepared an offensive against Egypt in early 1915 and aimed to occupy the Suez Canal and cut the Mediterranean route to India and the Far East. The war began in August 1914 in Europe, and the Ottoman Empire had joined the war on the side of Germany and Austria within three months. Hew Strachan wrote in 2001 that in hindsight, Ottoman belligerence was inevitable once Goeben and Breslau had been allowed into the Dardanelles and that later delays were caused by Ottoman unreadiness for war and Bulgarian neutrality, rather than uncertainty about policy.

Date	Declarer	On
1914
1 November	Russia	Ottoman Empire
2 November	Serbia	Ottoman Empire
3 November	Montenegro	Ottoman Empire
5 November	United Kingdom France	Ottoman Empire
1915
21 August	Italy	Ottoman Empire
1916
31 August	Ottoman Empire	Romania
1917
2 July	Greece	Ottoman Empire

Allied Occupation of Constantinople

Allied occupation forces in İstiklal Avenue, Constantinople

While these occupations continued, it was Constantinople's turn. Constantinople invaded by Allies in 13 October 1918. The Allies' navy passed through the Dardanelles on 7 November, under the pretext of clearing mines, and reached Istanbul. First, the Allies' navy, consisting of 61 warships, anchored in front of Istanbul on 13 November 1918. With the addition of 11 warships and a Greek battleship, the number of ships anchored in front of Istanbul increased to 73. That day, 3626 soldiers, mostly British, from the Allied Fleet landed. They were placed in various official and unofficial buildings in Constantinople. Beyoğlu and the Rumelian side were left under the control of the British, the Constantinople side under the control of the French, and the Anatolian side under the control of the Italians. Occupation Commander Maitland Wilson established Headquarters with a ceremony at the British Girls' High School in Beyoğlu. The number of ships anchored in front of Constantinople increased to 167 by 15 November.

Constantinople front of the war

Ottoman Parliament

The appointment of the Ali Rıza Pasha Cabinet, which was established on 3 October 1919, following the resignation of Damat Ferit Pasha, did not please the Allies at all. The nationalist tendencies of some members of this cabinet were not unknown to the Allied representatives in Istanbul. Chief among these members was the Minister of War, Cemal Pasha. Cemal Pasha was quick to enter into a conflict over the Allies' military control in Anatolia, in accordance with the Armistice of Mudros.

Ali Rıza Pasha's cabinet, as soon as it was established, announced that elections to the Parliament would be held with a decree published on 9 October 1919. As a result of the elections, the Parliament held its first meeting on 12 January 1920. As it is known, especially with Atatürk's instructions and suggestions, a strong nationalist atmosphere emerged in the new Parliament, and this Parliament will publish the National Pact on January 28. In other words, the Turkish National Movement was challenging themselves before the eyes of the Allies, and more importantly, at a time when the Allies were preparing peace terms, the Turks themselves were determining the peace terms they would accept. Moreover, the Istanbul Government was far from being in control of all these events.

The National Oath and the start of the occupation

During the Allied occupation forces were still in Constantinople, the Ottoman Chamber of Deputies accepted the Misak-ı Millî (the National Oath) in 28 January 1920, which is political manifest of Turkish Nationalists.

The original text of the Misak-ı Millî

The clauses of the Misak-ı Millî were:

1. The future of the territories inhabited by an Arab majority at the time of the signing of the Armistice of Mudros will be determined by a referendum. On the other hand, the territories which were not occupied at that time and inhabited by a Turkish majority are the homeland of the Turkish nation.
2. The status of Kars, Ardahan and Batum may be determined by a referendum.
3. The status of Western Thrace will be determined by the votes of its inhabitants.
4. The security of Constantinople and Marmara should be provided for. Transport and free trade on the Straits of the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles will be determined by Turkey and other concerned countries.
5. The rights of minorities will be issued on condition that the rights of Muslim minorities in neighboring countries are protected.
6. In order to develop in every field, the country should be independent and free; all restrictions on political, judicial and financial development will be removed.

A proposal map of Misak-ı Millî

The Misak-ı Millî was declared to the public on 17 February 1920. The declaration of Misak-ı Millî angered the Allies. They pressed Ottoman government for the decision to be reversed. Failure to revoke the decision resulted in the British raiding of the Şehzadebaşı. The British high comisser of Constantinople gave an ultimatum that says they will invade Constantinople fully since 10 A.M. According to the W. S. Edmons, the only true way to punish Turks was "invading Constantinople fully".

Under the occupation

Until September 1922, no serious events occured in Constantinople. But in Constantinople, some Turkish secret services was founded like "M. M. Grubu" (M. M. Organization). Also, the British learn of "Karakol" group (which founded in 13 October 1918) in 1921, that group changed its name to "Yavuz". Before the Battle of the Sakarya, the position of Turkish army was not good. But, in the depots of Constantinople, everything that Turkish army would need was in there. But these depots were protected by Allied soldiers. The secret organizations which founded by Turkish nationalists raided those depots and brought those mateirals to the Ankara government. As a matter of fact, according to a famous document, in the Gendarmerie Officer School used by the Kuleli Military Preparatory School in Beylerbeyi The door of the warehouse was broken and all the weapons and ammunition inside were taken away.

The Chanak Crisis: The fall of the David Lloyd George government

British pilots of 203 Squadron in Gallipoli in 1922.

After the Great Offensive, the Turkish army started to moving Straits. The British Councils of Ministers met on 15 September 1922 and said that British soldiers must defence where they are. The next day, in the absence of Foreign Secretary Lord Curzon, some cabinet ministers threatened Turkey with a declaration of war by Britain and its dominions, on the grounds that Turkey had violated the Treaty of Sèvres. British Foreign Minister Lord Curzon, who returned to his country after discussing this issue in France on 18 September, was recalled by French Prime Minister Raymond Poincaré. Poincaré informed Curzon, who came to France again on 20 September, that the French troops in Chanak had started to withdraw immediately and harshly rebuked him for a ceasefire.

The British people did not want to go to war with the Turks again in Straits. The Dominions announced that they would not send any forces after Prime Minister David Lloyd George did not consult on the issue. Canadian Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King announced that the situation was different from World War I, which broke out 8 years ago, and that the Canadian Parliament had to decide in order to send troops.

The UK Council of Ministers, meeting on 23 September, decided to leave Eastern Thrace to Turkey. Thereupon, the Commander-in-Chief of the Turkish Armies, Mustafa Kemal Pasha, ordered the army to stop. He also offered Mudanya for ceasefire talks. The parties met in Mudanya on October 3. On October 11, the terms of the ceasefire were accepted by the United Kingdom with a 2-hour delay after the British received reinforcements. Ankara Government was convinced that this reinforcement would not cause any resistance.

A cartoon drawn after David Lloyd George's resignation

The Conservative Party left the government with the Carlton Club meeting on 19 October 1922, and declared that it would enter the next elections separately from the Liberal Party. Thus Lloyd George was left without significant support. Additionally, Lord Curzon announced that he was withdrawing his support from Lloyd George. Lloyd George subsequently resigned as prime minister, never to return as a key figure in party politics.

Mosul, Iraq and Al-Jazeera

Al-Jazeera front

While the Turkish War of Independence was continuing in Anatolia, Atatürk continued his interest in the Mosul front. The most important example of this is undoubtedly the appointment of Cevat Pasha to the Al-Jazeera Front. It is obvious that Cevat Pasha, who served on the Iraq Front in World War I, was appointed to the position because he knew the region well. After being given the task, Cevat Pasha immediately went to Diyarbakır and started to manage the resistance in the Al-Jazeera Front. In the following dates, Özdemir Bey and many Turkish officers were sent to Revanduz by the order of Atatürk to manage the ongoing resistance in the region.

This resistance, which started simultaneously with the Aegean national forces resistance after the occupation of Izmir in the West, is a four-year story of resistance that lasted from 26 May 1919 to 25 May 1923. On this front, Sulaymaniyah is where the first resistance began and the last resistance ended. The Al-Jazeera front became the longest-lasting front of the War of Independence with its four-year resistance. Since this resistance started on 26 May 1919, it was four days before the Ayvalık Resistance and as such, it was the beginning of the armed national force operation.

Mahmud Barzanji's revolt of May-June 1919

On 23 May 1923 after a few days when Turkish War of Independence officially started, Barzanji revolted against British forces with his 300 men. During the first stages of the revolution, Barzanji had some success. He claimed that he is Sheikh. During these times, Atatürk sent a letter to Mahmud Barzanji.

A photo of Mahmud Barzanji

Sheikh Mahmut appeared firstly when Halil Pasha, the commander of the Mesopotamian expedition, handed over to him the management of Suleymaniye, one of the Ottoman sanjaks. One of the Turkish officers that Halil Pasha left with Sheikh Mahmut reported the resistance and occupation of Sulaymaniyah by the British to Kazım Karabekir Pasha's 15th Corps Command on 18 June 1919 as follows:

"... On 26 May 1919, he captured British officers and those who opposed his own soldiers, and defeated the British force that came to rescue the captives in Sulaymaniyah, in the region called Nasluca..."

This resistance, which started in Sulaymaniyah, attracted Atatürk's attention. This is evidenced by the fact that he conveyed a congratulatory message to Sheikh Mahmut, who was carrying out military activities in the region, after the Erzurum Congress. However, the message could not reach Sheikh Mahmut. As a result of the attack launched by the British with the support of their air force, Sheikh Mahmud and his men were ambushed and captured in the Bazyan pass between Suleymaniye and Kirkuk.

Tal Afar Uprising (1920)

With the capture of Sheikh Mahmud and his exile to Kuwait, the first period of the Kuva-yi Milliye movement in Sulaymaniyah in 1919 ended. After this, resistance efforts shifted to Mosul. Various organizations, especially the "Cemiyet-i Hilaliye" established here, gained effectiveness with the participation of Arabs who were overwhelmed by British oppression.

Tal Afar Castle, 2007.

The uprising started again in 1920. The most important of these is the Tal Afar Uprising that took place in late June. This event, which has little place in Turkish history, was called the "Talafar Revolution" in Iraqi history. Due to the relations of this resistance with Ankara government, this resistance and the following ones were called "Hareketü'l-Kemaliye" (Movement of Kemal).

Telafer was captured by the Turkmens with the rebellion led by Lieutenant Colonel Cemil Muhammed Halil Efendi. With the delay in the reinforcements coming from Anatolia, the forward operation to save Mosul remained inconclusive. Learning about the situation, the British entered Tal Afar with the support of the air force and committed a massacre. The Tal Afar Rebellion ended with the brutally supressed by the British.

Revandiz Rebellion

After what happened in Tal Afar, the resistance continued in Rawanduz. The guidance of Erbil, the leader of the Kurdish forces in the region, and the Zebars living with the Surci tribe was observed. In addition, Türkiye participated in this uprising with the support of three officers and one hundred soldiers. This military support was managed by Major Şevki Bey since 9 August 1921. It is known that this support played an important role in keeping the region under public sovereignty again. After the Rawanduz Uprising, the British advanced to the region on December 16, 1921 to regain dominance. However, the British were severely defeated in the Babaçiçek Strait location.

Özdemir Operation

The Turkish Grand National Assembly Government has shown the necessary sensitivity regarding the Misak-Millî from the first days of its establishment. In his historical speech at the Grand National Assembly on 1 May 1920, Mustafa Kemal Pasha drew attention to the importance of Mosul by stating that the national borders started from the south of Iskenderun and extended towards the east, including Mosul, Suleymaniye and Kirkuk. The British were concerned that Mustafa Kemal Pasha would probably target Mosul after defeating the Greeks. Tribes in the Revandiz region asked for help from the Turkish Grand National Assembly Government in an uprising that occurred in 1920, and the Turkish Grand National Assembly Government sent a company (three officers, 100 privates) from the Elcezire front to Mosul; On 9 August 1921, Major Şevki Bey was appointed as the commander of Suleymaniye. This force was ordered to avoid conflict with the British unless necessary. Despite this order, the company united with the forces of Revandiz Turkmens and raided the British whenever the opportunity arose; Even two British planes were shot down. To the British who attacked Revandiz with a large force with air support on 16 December 1921; Babaçiçek suffered great losses in the strait.

As the attacks by the British against Erbil and Revandiz increased in January 1922, Mustafa Kemal Pasha ordered a militia unit to be sent to the Mosul province in the telegram he sent to the Ministry of National Defense on 1 February 1922. The General Staff focused on the appointment of a commander who knew the local situation, the tribes in the region, tribal traditions and gangsterism, and appointed Militia Lieutenant Colonel Şefik Özdemir Bey, who was the commander of the national forces in Antep, to this position. In the instruction dated 01 February 1922 and prepared with the signature of the Speaker of the Turkish Grand National Assembly and the Commander-in-Chief Mustafa Kemal; "For now, it has been deemed appropriate for Özdemir Bey to handle his duty in a private nature and as a personal initiative, and to give such an appearance to the outside." It was pointed out that the operation to be carried out should be a special force/union operation.

There were many positive aspects of the Turkish Grand National Assembly's government appointing Özdemir Bey as the head of this movement. Özdemir Bey was capable of organizing the movement in the Mosul region, leading and managing it with a brand new spirit, and gathering the tribes around him. On the other hand, by not giving an official nature to the operation to be carried out by Özdemir Bey, by creating the impression that it had nothing to do with the Turkish Grand National Assembly Government, it would appear that it was actually an action that took place with personal and local initiatives. In the telegram he sent to the Aljazire Front on 2 March 1922, Chief of General Staff Fevzi Pasha announced that Özdemir Bey would depart from Ankara in two or three days and asked for the necessary preparations to be made for the attack on Mosul. According to the staff prepared by the 2nd Branch of the General Staff on 1 February 1922, taking Özdemir's opinions into consideration; One major, six captains, six first lieutenants, nine lieutenants, six deputy officers and one assistant accounting officer were appointed. The need for soldiers for this cadre would be met from Turkmen and other tribes loyal to the Turkish administration in the region, and from Tunisian and Algerian soldiers who escaped from the French army in Nizip and took refuge with the Turks. Özdemir Bey, who left Ankara for Revandiz on 9 March 1922, by order of the General Staff, arrived in Diyarbakır on 22 April; He met with Elcezire Front commander Cevat (Çobanlı) Pasha. After the financial problems were resolved, an instruction was given regarding the operation to be carried out by Özdemir Bey. In this instruction, it was stated that the most suitable place for this operation was the city of Revandiz. Özdemir Bey's detachment arrived in Siirt, departing from Diyarbakır on 15 May 1922. The detachment, which set out from Hakkari on 12 June, arrived in Diza on 15 June, in Şemdinan on 17 June, and in Benaük on 19 June with an enthusiastic welcome from the people. Wherever he went, Özdemir Bey immediately organized on behalf of the Turkish government and prevented anarchic events arising from lack of government. The detachment reached Revandiz on 22 June 1922, after a difficult and tiring journey. The detachment entered Revandiz amidst the enthusiastic welcome of the people, festivities were held, the tribes around came to the city and greeted Özdemir Bey and the detachment; Sacrifices were made and prayers were said. Özdemir Bey immediately established an organization in the region and acted in line with the general wishes of the people. The people, who had been without a government for a long time, applauded and loved Özdemir Bey as the representative of Mustafa Kemal Pasha. The people showed loyalty to Özdemir Bey by calling him Özdemir Pasha.

Özdemir Bey expanded his organization day by day in the region. It went beyond Northern Iraq and expanded its territory to the Lahican region in the south of Rumiye Lake. Defense of Law groups founded by Turkmens also emerged from behind the scenes and began to continue their activities fearlessly. After taking control in Revandiz, Özdemir Bey tried to increase his influence noticeably in centers such as Kirkuk, Sulaymaniyah, Akra and Mosul. In addition to providing a communication network with the telegraph line drawn from Revandiz to Diyarbakır, control was gained in the Akra, Ranya, Erbil and Köysancak regions, making great use of the power of the tribes in the region. Seeing that Turkish rule was expanding day by day, the British attacked Revandiz with 12 planes on 10 July 1922, but they were unsuccessful. Özdemir Bey's troops, who completed their supplies in the region, attacked the British on 31 August 1922. Özdemir Bey's platoon, which won the Battle of Derbent despite the British planes, shot down four low-flying British planes and captured six machine guns and two cannons, along with many supplies; Around fourteen soldiers of Özdemir Bey died.

Şefik Özdemir Bey

British strike back

The British, who were worried that Mosul would be completely occupied by the Turks after the Derbent victory, brought Sheikh Mahmut to Sulaymaniyah and officially established the British mandate Kurdistan Government on 10 October 1922. Thus, the British thought of preventing Mosul and its surroundings from being connected to Turkey and maintaining their economic interests in the region. Commander-in-Chief Mustafa Kemal Pasha and Chief of General Staff Fevzi Pasha, who closely followed the developments in the Mosul province, wanted Özdemir Bey to be secretly supported by the Turkish Grand National Assembly Government for the continuation of his successes. Chief of General Staff Fevzi Pasha, in his top-secret recorded telegram to the Elcezire Front Command on 7 September 1922, requested that Mosul be taken by arms if necessary. The issue that attracted the most attention among the efforts of the Turkish General Staff was the fight against the British by reinforcing the front with aircraft divisions. According to the order of Chief of General Staff Fevzi Pasha, the Al-Jazeera Front was to attack with all its strength from both sides of the Tigris, along the river towards Mosul. The Eastern Front will be tasked with attacking Mosul-Kirkuk via the Imadiye and Suleymaniye line, with an infantry division reinforced by mountain batteries consisting of Van, Hakkari and Iğdır border units, a cavalry brigade and cavalry consisting of tribes. In fact, while these preparations were taking place, Chief of General Staff Fevzi Pasha gave orders to form an aircraft squadron consisting of fast reconnaissance and war planes on the Al-Jazeera front. Necessary correspondence was initiated with the Minister of National Defense Kâzım Pasha on this issue. Meanwhile, in the telegram sent from Özdemir Bey to the Elcezire Front Command on 6 November 1922, it was proposed that after the reinforcements reached Revandiz, they would first occupy Zakho with all forces, one branch would descend on Dohuk from the south, and the other branch would march on Imadiye. Within the framework of the answers received, Özdemir Bey was asked to complete the necessary preparations for the Al-Jazeera Front by 10 November 1922. While these developments were taking place, the Lausanne Conference was continuing. Meanwhile, judging by the news coming from Lausanne, there was a possibility that the conference would be interrupted.Against this possibility, Fevzi Pasha did not refrain from giving the necessary instructions regarding the preparation of the troops that would participate in the Mosul operation. In fact, in the telegram sent from Izmir to Commander-in-Chief Mustafa Kemal Pasha on 04 December 1922 regarding the operation to be carried out against Mosul, orders were given to the Al-Jazeera and Eastern Front Commands to take Mosul, which is within the borders of the National Pact, by arms if necessary, and they were prepared to do so.

It was stated that they were wanted to be. Although Turkey had decided to take Mosul with arms before the Lausanne Conference, it found it appropriate to give more emphasis to diplomatic methods with the start of the conference. Thus, the military operation planned for Mosul at the end of 1922 was abandoned. The issue that caused the most difficult discussions at the Lausanne Conference was the "Mosul Issue". In his statements in the Turkish Grand National Assembly on 2 January 1923 and 30 January 1923, Mustafa Kemal Pasha stated that the province of Mosul was within the national borders of the Turkish state; He stated that it would not be possible to tear these places away from the motherland and give them as gifts to others. Before the Lausanne Peace Conference was held, the British had started bombing Köysancak, İmadiye and Dinart from the air as of 17 October 1922. Meanwhile, Mustafa Kemal Pasha's statements about Mosul and his statements that a plebiscite would be held mobilized the local people against the British. The British aircraft fleet frequently bombed cities, tribal areas, their herds and cultivated areas; The people are fed up with this bombardment. British air attacks continued intermittently until February and March 1923. Following the negotiations initiated in Lausanne, based on the idea that Mosul could be taken back through diplomacy, the Turkish government requested that the military operation against Mosul be stopped in the coded telegram it sent to the Al-Jazeera Front Command. Mr. Özdemir was very shaken when he learned about this situation. When this news reached the national organization, the movement in Revandiz and its surroundings suddenly took a different shape and color. In his report sent to the front command on 5 April 1923, Özdemir Bey asked for a ceasefire to be signed with the British so that at least the Revandiz region would remain under Turkish control; He stated that he did not find the diplomatic movement initiated appropriate in this situation. While the Lausanne negotiations were continuing, the British-Iraqi troops in Mosul took forward action again in two directions on 8 April 1923, one towards the Devil's Strait via the Hodran River and the other towards Serderya from the Great Zap River Valley. The British were inflicted casualties with the raids carried out by Özdemir Bey's detachment on the night of 11/12 April. On the night of 20/21 April, the battle between Özdemir Bey's detachment and the British became even more intense; Unable to hold their own against the British, the detachment decided to withdraw to Iranian territory on 23 April 1923. Özdemir Bey's detachment crossed the steep mountains and reached the town of Ushnu in Iran with its weapons on 29 April 1923. Özdemir Bey asked for his asylum to be accepted in the letter he sent to Yusuf Han, the Iranian military officer in the Savcıbulak area. Özdemir Bey and his platoon entered Turkey from Van's Bahçesaray district on 10 May 1923. The military operation, which was initiated to achieve the National Pact goals, unfortunately did not yield the expected results due to the lack of necessary support.

Anatolia

Black Sea Region

On 9 March 1919, when 15th Division Commander Mustafa Asım Bey and Samsun Governor İbrahim Ethem Bey declared martial law in the city, the city was occupied by a 200-man British military detachment, citing the conditions of the Armistice of Mudros. Some of the 150-person Australian and New Zealand Corps forces that arrived later settled in the barracks and some settled in the Samsun Sultani building. Şefik Avni Pasha, who came to Samsun on 7 May 1920, assumed the command of the 15th Division and the division was rearmed with the help of the Grand National Assembly. As a result of the pressure of the 15th Division, British and French troops had to withdraw.

Topal Osman, the leader of the 15th Division.

Eskişehir

British forces occupied Eskişehir Station on 23 January 1919, to inspect the railway line after World War I. Kuva-yi Milliye forces led by Ali Fuat Pasha ended the occupation on 20 March 1920. Later, other battles happened named the First Battle of İnönü, the Second Battle of İnönü, the Battle of Kütahya-Eskişehir and the Great Offensive. Eskişehir had an important role in the Turkish War of Independence.

Ali Fuat Pasha (1882-1968)

Diplomatic actions of the Turks and the British against each other

British diplomatical actions against the Turks

Greece

During the Greco-Turkish war, British government supported Greeks against Turks both diplomatical and financial/gun supply. The British and French government promised Greeks to give 850,000,000 Golden Frank, but because of the government change in Greece, heavily losses in Cilicia, French Government stopped supporting Greeks until a small period between the Battle of Kütahya-Eskişehir and end of the Battle of the Sakarya. The British government were also uneasy, but they prefered to wait. The Greeks, afraid of losing the support of the British, did not liquidate some Venizelist officers. So the support of British's promised continues and gave 850,000,000 Golden Frank. The British support of Greeks were one of the major reasons why Greeks could enter the İnner Anatolia.During the Paris Peace Conference, Venizelos, who wanted a greater Greece, made territorial demands from Anatolia at the conference. He used the power of propaganda, his political skills, population statistics those are debated of its reality and ethnographic maps to justify his demands. These efforts of Venizelos were supported by British Prime Minister Lloyd George, despite the objections of some British statesmen and military administrators. According to Lloyd George, England had to support Greece to fill the power vacuum that would arise in the Eastern Mediterranean with the collapse of the Ottoman Empire at the end of the First World War. As a result of Lloyd George's support, the Supreme Council at the Paris Conference allowed Greece to invade Western Anatolia on May 6.

The British-made BL 6-inch 30 cwt howitzer is in the service of the Greeks during Second Battle of İnönü.

The British government also supplied Greeks with Airco DH.9 and Sopwith Camel 1F.1 airplanes. It is notable to mention that most of the Greek operations (Greek Summer Offensive, Second Battle of İnönü etc.) done because of the British request and support. On 17 February 1920, Lord Curzon wrote to Admiral de Robeck that he had "given the necessary order for the Greek army to attack the Turks." In Toynbee's words, the Greeks were equipped with never-used weapons given by the British and French. The amount of British aid to Greece between 1914 and 1920 exceeded 16 million pounds. British Prime Minister Lloyd George allowed British companies to sell weapons to the Greek army and front. There were no cannon or rifle factories in Greece. Most of the Greek weapons and ammunition were supplied from England. Before the Battle of Sakarya, the "Bank of England" opened a short-term credit to Greece. The British supported Greeks with 6in Howitzer in Second Battle of İnönü. British Empire also supported Greeks with winter items. The British help of Greeks with four (4) Gotha WD.13 seaplanes is also notable to mentioned.

David Lloyd George, pro-Greek British Prime Minister who supported Greeks against Turks in Turkish War of Independence.

Armenia

According to the Armistice of Mudros, the Ottoman Caucasusan army must be liquidated. Armenians who wants to use that opportunity, started to trying to get back the cities that Armenians live mostly. During that event, the British supported Armenians with 40,000 rifles. Those rifles helped armenians in the Turkish-Armenian War.

Ottoman Empire/Kuva-yi Izibatiye

During the Battle of Geyve (15-17 May 1920), British Empire supported Caliphate army which led by Ahmet Anzavur against Turkish Kuva-yi Milliye which led by Ali Fuat Pasha.According to the Philip Jowett, the British supported the Caliphate Army with uniforms and guns.

Turkish diplomatical actions against the British Empire

Treaty of Moscow

In 1917, the people in the Russian Empire, tired of hunger, famine and depression, made the February revolution. Shortly after this event, the October revolution was carried out by the Bolsheviks. The recognition of the Bolsheviks was very low and they were attacked by the Allied Powers (especially the UK and France).

Returning to Turkey, the Turks were dealing with armenians at east, French and French-backed Armenian legion in the south, Greeks in west, Pontic rebels in north, British in Southeastern Anatolia and there was a lot of uprising started with the provocation by Ottoman government. The Bolsheviks needed recognition and the Ankara government needed ammunition. And both of these countries had a same enemy: The Allies.

Vladimir Lenin, chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR, who supported the Turks in the Turkish War of Independence.

But the Bolsheviks had to be able to trust the Turks. This need for trust was eliminated in the First Battle of İnönü. The Bolsheviks and Turkish Nationalists signed Treaty of Moscow. According to the treaty, the Bolsheviks will give 10,000,000 Rubles. In response to this help, Turkish Nationalists gave 800 tons of grain free to the people starving in Volga. Thus, these two states supported each other against the British.

Turkish–Armenian War: "Kemal Laughs at Britain"

According to the Treaty of Sèvres, Armenians were getting Kars, Ardahan, Muş etc. This led to a crisis with the Ankara Government, which did not recognize the Treaty of Sèvres. The Turks won the war between 24 September and 2 December and the Treaty of Alexandropol was signed. According to the Treaty of Alexandropol, Armenians had to give the ammunations they had. Because of that, Armenians had to give the 40,000 rifles which they got from the UK. Turkish National Movement's leader Mustafa Kemal Pasha wrote an ironical letter which will go to the David Lloyd George.

Afghanistan

Afghanistan was at war with the British on May 6, 1919. The war ended on August 8, 1919 with the Treaty of Rawalpindi. Afghans lost approximately 1,000 soldiers. The Afghan royal army had suffered a heavy blow in this war and the need for training the army arose.Also, the British army could strike against the Afghanistan.An Afghan delegation went to Moscow to get help from the USSR. Meanwhile, a Turkish delegation was in Moscow. The Turks also needed recognition. On March 1, 1921, these two states signed an agreement with each other. The 4th clause of the agreement says that:

One of the Contracting Parties agrees to repel, with the means and means at its disposal, any attack made on the other by any imperialist State pursuing a policy of invading or colonizing the East, considering it as an attack against the other.

And the 8th clause of the agreement says:

Turkey undertakes to assist Afghanistan in the field of culture, to send teachers and officers, and to keep these teachers and officers on duty for at least five years, and at the end of this period, to send trainers again if Afghanistan wishes.

This agreement increased Turkey's recognition.

Turkish and British propaganda campaigns against each other

During the Turkish War of Independence, both British and Turks done propaganda against each other. The difference was that the British propaganda could effect the world, while the Turkish propaganda was -generally- done to attract people to their side.

British propaganda campaigns against the Turks

Propaganda that Turkish Nationalist cadres are "İttihadists"

According to Avcıoğlu, the tension that started between England and the Ottoman Empire was due to Pan-Islamism, and "the Turkish war in the World War was a relentless Anglo-Turkish war." According to him, the British launched a "crusade" against the Turks, and the Turks declared a "holy war" against England. England, both during the First World War and after the Armistice of Mudros, Turkey primarily targeted the Committee of Union and Progress cadres, and openly described him as an "enemy".

At the end of the war, the Allies wanted to capture the leaders of the Committee of Union and Progress to try them as war criminals. In the first days of the occupation of Constantinople, some members of the Committee of Union and Progress started a campaign against England. It is stated that they made anti-British propaganda. It should be added that in British documents, during the Turkish War of Independence, Bolshevism and İttihadism were generally used with similar meanings.

Damad Ferit Pasa, pro-British Ottoman diplomat, opponent of the Turkish national movement in the Turkish War of Independence.

It is, of course, true that there were members of the Union and Progress Party among the Turkish War of Independence cadres. But England Without wasting any time, they branded everyone who participated in the struggle as Ittihadist and it tried to use the hostility created in public opinion. Accusing the Turkish War of Independence cadres as Ittihadists. They made it one of his goals to discredit the people and prevent them from finding supporters. This was The greatest support to England in this direction came from Damat Ferit Pasha and the supporters of the Turkish War of Independence in Constantinople. came from newspapers. Especially newspapers made accusations of Ittihadism against the Turkish War of Independence cadres. They fed him constantly. Refi Cevat, writer of Alemdar newspaper, in his article dated 17 March 1920, wrote: "He claimed that the Ittihadist movement was resurrected and born under the name of Kuva-yi Milliye. Refi Cevat In another article, for the Turkish War of Independencr cadres, he said, "The form of İttihadism in Anatolia was the opposite of Bolshevism." It is a form of crimson.” he said

Bolshevism propaganda

Another British accusation was that the National Struggle cadres were Bolsheviks. With this propaganda, the United Kingdom aimed to both remind Europe of the Bolshevik danger and to protect the conservatives. It is understood that he aims to influence the Turkish people and the Islamic world in this way. There were many news in this direction in supporting this claim if we look pro-Istanbul government newspapers. The fact that the Russian revolution was still very new at that time left many question marks about communism and Bolshevism. According to the writings on a newspaper called Hakimiyet-i Milliye, communism represents a war against the imperialist British and the national hegemony. It turns out that it is perceived as coming to power. 23 July 1920 of the Hâkimiyet-i Milliye,In its dated no., it is stated that the world is divided into two great armies and these armies are oppressors and capitalists. In the article without signatures, it is stated that the representative of the oppressors is England and Russians are included in the category of oppressed nations.

Mustafa Kemal Pasha, in his speech to the Parliament dated 14 August 1920, stated that he took into account the victimized classes of people and said, "Our nation, as a whole, is the victim and the oppressed." used the expression. In some reports in the British National Archives, military intelligence personally testified about the realism of this accusation. Units about this topic were reported to London. In the report of the British Military Intelligence Directorate dated 19-20 February 1920:

Bolshevism of Turkish politicians is a national danger. There is ample evidence to show that they understood that the successes of the Bolsheviks were mentioned in Turkish propaganda (…) by Great Britain. It is clear that this was done to emphasize that he was defeated. In this way, Turkish Pan-Islamists can hope to find additional material for anti-allied propaganda.

Turkish propaganda campaigns against the British Empire

"The Caliph is Captured" propaganda

American journalist Clarence K. Streit, who came to Ankara during the War of Independence and interviewed Mustafa Kemal Pasha, says that he did not see any effort to incite religious bigotry in Ankara's propaganda. Streit said that the only issue in which religious sentiment was invoked was to remind the villagers that "the Caliph is a prisoner in British hands and must be rescued as soon as possible" he says.

"The Real Enemy of Our Struggle is the British" propaganda

One of the important topics of the Ankara government's propaganda was to instill the idea of ​​'England as the Real Enemy' into the society. There was no difficulty in spreading this propaganda. Because, first of all, there is already a reaction against the British from the First World War. Since the first day of the arrival of the Allied Navy, this reaction has gradually increased due to the attitudes of the British. Sunata explains one of the reasons for this in his memoirs by saying that among the victorious states that occupied Istanbul, the British showed the most "hostility" towards the Turks.

Sources

• Broadbent, Harvey (2005). Gallipoli: The Fatal Shore. Camberwell, VIC: Viking/Penguin. ISBN 978-0-670-04085-8.
• Carlyon, Les (2001). Gallipoli. Sydney: Pan Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-7329-1089-1.
• Fewster, Kevin; Basarin, Vecihi; Basarin, Hatice Hurmuz (2003) [1985]. Gallipoli: The Turkish Story. Crows Nest, NSW: Allen & Unwin. ISBN 978-1-74114-045-3.
• Finkel, Caroline (2007). Osman's Dream: The History of the Ottoman Empire. Basic Books. ISBN 978-0-465-00850-6.
• Holmes, Richard, ed. (2001). The Oxford Companion to Military History. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-866209-9.
• Keegan, John (1998). The First World War. London: Pimlico. ISBN 978-0-7126-6645-9.
• Strachan, Hew (2001). The First World War, Volume 1: To Arms. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-926191-1.

Bibliography

• Avcıoğlu, Doğan. Milli Kurtuluş Tarihi, 1979.
• Murat Güztoklusu, Elcezire ve Özdemir Harekâtı, 2008