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National Radical Camp

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National Radical Camp
Obóz Narodowo-Radykalny
AbbreviationONR
LeaderJan Mosdorf[a]
Bolesław Piasecki[b]
Henryk Rossman[c]
FounderJan Mosdorf
Tadeusz Gluziński
Henryk Rossman
Bolesław Piasecki
Founded14 April 1934; 90 years ago (14 April 1934)[1]
Banned10 July 1934; 90 years ago (10 July 1934)[2]
Split fromNational Party[3][4]
Preceded bySekcja Młodych Stronnictwa Narodowego (SM SN)
MembershipSteady 5,000 (1937 est.)[5]
IdeologyNational-radicalism [pl]
Political positionFar-right
ReligionRoman Catholicism
Colours  Green   White
SloganCzołem Wielkiej Polsce
("Hail Great Poland")
Anthem"Hymn Młodych"
("Youth Anthem")
  1. ^ (National Radical Camp)
  2. ^ (National Radical Movement Falanga [pl])
  3. ^ (National Radical Camp ABC [pl])

The National Radical Camp (Polish: Obóz Narodowo-Radykalny, ONR) was an ultranationalist and antisemitic political movement which existed in the pre-World War II Second Polish Republic,[8] and an illegal Polish anti-communist,[9] and nationalist political party formed on 14 April 1934 mostly by the youth radicals who left the National Party of the National Democracy movement.[9]

Shortly after its creation ONR split into two branches: the National Radical Movement "Falanga" (Polish: Ruch Narodowo Radykalny-Falanga; RNR "Falanga" or ONR "Falanga"), and National Radical Camp "ABC" (Polish: Obóz Narodowo-Radykalny ABC; ONR "ABC"). "Falanga" is Polish for "phalanx", "ABC" refers to a newspaper printed by the organisation at the time.

Since 1993, an organization exists in Poland that has adopted the name ONR, following its ideology and traditions.

History

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Origins of ONR

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Jan Mosdorf one of the ONR leaders
Emblem from the Youth Section of National Party used by ONR

Dominated by youth, National Radical Camp was an outgrowth of the Endecja movement, an ultra-nationalist movement that had arisen in the 1920s.[10] The emergence of the National Radical Camp was part of broader movement of the Polish right toward radicalization in the 1930s.[11] Its basis was the generational difference of the "young" within the nationalist camp. The writings of the national-radicalism cultivated the cult of youth, writing for example: "In the fight against the young, the old cannot keep up". As Włodzimierz Sznarbachowski recalled: "The National Radical Camp was founded as a rebellion against the "fools". Young people [...] yearned for a strong, charismatic leader [...]. Dmowski certainly did not have such charisma". This was confirmed by Wojciech Wasiutyński: "It was not Dmowski who pushed the youth towards fascism, he rather resisted their fascist tendencies. The split in the nationalist movement in 1934 occurred precisely because Dmowski did not agree to the fascist program of the young".[12] The criticism coming from the "young" initially concerned tactical and psychological issues – the "old" were accused of "complete indolence, inability to act". The mechanism of secession was set in motion only by the frustration caused by the lack of reaction of the movement's leadership to the dissolution of the Camp of Great Poland (OWP). The "young" tried to maintain organizational independence, avoiding subordination to the National Party, dominated by the "old". Their stronghold was the "Eight" - the secret leadership of the National Democrat youth structures. Initially, the "Eight" proposed to Roman Dmowski that "while maintaining a common confidential organization, we should establish a second party with a radical program". In July 1933 during the training camp of the "young" in Błota Karwieńskie, a split occurred: while Tadeusz Bielecki was in favor of moving to the SN Youth Section (Sekcja Młodych SN), Jan Mosdorf wanted to maintain independence and conduct underground activities. Mosdorf did not manage to push through his project. However, the National Radical Publishing Committee of the Young was established (Witold Staniszkis, Jan Rembieliński, Jan Mosdorf). The Committee published brochures popularizing the program of the "young". Its propaganda platform was also "Sztafeta" - published since October 1933. In the autumn of 1933, representatives of the "young" from Warsaw and Lwów met at Henryk Rossman's to work out a common position - mainly making personal accusations (incompetence, passivity), they decided to demand that Dmowski remove Tadeusz Bielecki and Aleksander Dębski. Only when their conversation with Dmowski ended in failure was the decision to secede made. According to Jerzy Drobnik, who emphasised the personal ambitions of the secessionists, "the tool got tired of being a tool". The conflict intensified in the winter of 1933/1934. In the first quarter of 1934, police sources had already noted the existence of a "national-radical movement of the "Young" within the Party". In March, the SN authorities deprived Mosdorf of the leadership of the Youth Section and banned the publication of "Sztafeta". The "young" responded by establishing the ONR on 14 April 1934.[13]

Program declaration of the National-Radical Camp (ONR) published on April 15, 1934 in the magazine "ABC"
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The National-Radical Camp was formed by a group of Warsaw academic youth led by Jerzy Czerwiński, Władysław Dowbor, Tadeusz Gluziński, Jan Jodzewicz, Jan Korlec, Jan Mosdorf, Mieczysław Prószyński, Henryk Rossman, Tadeusz Todtleben, Wojciech Zaleski in the canteen of the Warsaw University of Technology. Its ideological declaration, drafted mainly by Mosdorf, was published the next day in the weekly "Sztafeta".[14] The ONR was to be a social movement, led by a multi-stage conspiratorial Polish Organization, interacting through loyal and proven activists with various associations and organizations, and there were plenty of them at the time, as almost everyone was involved in something - from student corporations, Brotherly Aid to scouting[14]. After the establishment of the ONR, a period of intensive organizational development followed. Within two months, several thousand members were recruited. In Warsaw alone, the ONR had 2,200 members and 3,000 supporters in 17 sections. National radicals operated almost exclusively in the capital city of Warsaw. Attempts were made to remedy this by expanding local structures. In May 1934, 33 new sections were created (18 in the Warsaw voivodeship, 13 in the Łódź voivodeship, one each in the Lublin and Nowogródek voivodeships), and the activity of national radicals was also noted in the Poznań voivodeship (the absorption of the Great Poland Party) and Wilno voivodeships. During the month of its existence, the ONR held over 20 public meetings and also achieved success in the local elections in Żychlin.

Repression and delegalization

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Pieracki's funeral
Place of Isolation at Bereza Kartuska

The collapse of the organization came suddenly: the assassination of Bronisław Pieracki by Ukrainian nationalists on June 15, 1934 gave the Sanation authorities a pretext to deal with national radicals – after a wave of arrests, the camp was officially banned on July 10, 1934. Repressions led to a crisis of the organization. The previous leader Jan Mosdorf was discredited by his passive attitude (hiding during arrests). Isolated in the national-radical movement, he became closer to Catholic-social groups. Some of the ONR-ists began to conspire as the Camp of National Revolution, but many joined the Union of Young Nationalists (ZMN) or the Youth Section of the SN (SM SN). The secret leadership of the movement was not to be established until early 1935.

Split of the ONR

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The delegalization revealed a conflict between two generations of “youngs”. Włodzimierz Sznarbachowski explained: “the years of age difference also meant a different social status. […] We, often twenty years younger, did not want compromises. We wanted […] to move forward unfettered by anything”. Wilhelm Szewczyk expressed this difference even more emphatically: “The ABC was more stable in its beliefs and methods, small and quiet. More mature people united here […]. The “Falanga” had a younger, explosive, often anarchist element. […] each of its members was armed with brass knuckles and two […] revolvers”. The difference in temperament gave rise to tactical differences – while the elders, led by Rossman, wanted the movement to be led by a secret hierarchical organization of the lodge type, Piasecki’s supporters believed in the principle of leadership. Already in 1933, at the "Akademik Polski" (Polish Academic) an Ideological Committee was established - on the initiative of B. Piasecki - which developed the ideas of the Political Organization of the Nation and a national planned economy. Ideological differences were already evident before the establishment of the ONR, at the beginning of 1934, then they intensified (extremists wanted armed struggle and radicalization of the social program), to explode with full force after B. Piasecki was released from the camp in Bereza Kartuska. The split finally took place at the beginning of 1935, it was revealed on 25 April, and on 29 June of that year in Kąty the founding congress of the faction, called Falanga or - from the initials of the leader - Bepists took place.[15]

During World War II

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During World War II, both organizations created underground resistance organizations: ONR "ABC" was transformed into Grupa Szańca (Rampart Group), whose military arm became the Związek Jaszczurczy (Lizard Union),[9] while the RNR "Falanga" created the Confederation of the Nation. They were not supportive of the mainstream Polish Underground State related to the Polish government in exile.[9] During the German occupation of Poland, many of the former ONR activists belonged to National Armed Forces resistance groups. After World War II, the forced exile of many ONR members was made permanent by the newly created Polish People's Republic, which branded them enemies of the state.

Ideology

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National radicalism – origins

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The secessionists developed their own, clearly distinct ideology called "national radicalism". "National radicalism" is not the same as radical nationalism. This term was constructed on the model of "national socialism" and "national syndicalism", because it should be remembered that in the 1920s the term "radicalism" was used to describe the non-Marxist left. Jan Jodzewicz said at the All-Polish Youth congress in 1929 that the enemy were "radicals of all shades and camps". Five years later, "Szczerbiec" publicists fully annexed this concept, writing that "radicalism without anti-Semitism is no radicalism". National radicalism was therefore supposed to be a response to the enemy's challenge by partially adopting its slogans and methods - a kind of national equivalent of the left.[16]

The ONR did not, however, seek models in the socialist movement, or even less so in the communist movement – ​​on the contrary, it was characterised by uncompromising hostility towards Marxists. The point of reference, however, was Piłsudski’s legacy. National radicals were fascinated by the legend of the Legions’ deeds, which they camouflaged under the slogans of cooperation with the army. This was clearly done in the RNR. Włodzimierz Sznarbachowski recalled that Bolesław Piasecki was greatly influenced by his acquaintance with Piłsudski’s political thought during his stay in Bereza. Evidence of this can already be found in the brochure "The Spirit of New Times and the Young Movement" – ​​Piasecki noticed nationalist elements in the writings of Adam Skwarczyński at that time. Over time, the positive opinion of the Legions began to transform into a postulate of a synthesis of “Polish political thought” (national-democratic) and “soldierly” (Piłsudski’s). In 1939, a journalist from "Przełom" wrote that RNR "Enriched and deepened the content of Polish nationalism, associating the political thought of the author of "Polish Policy" with the values ​​of the soldier's psyche, developed on the battlefields of Józef Piłsudski's Legions". Jan Mosdorf also expressed a positive opinion about Piłsudski and the independence movement. Even the most reserved ONR "ABC" in this respect emphasized that "crossed [...] the barriers between Poles-soldiers and Poles-civilians" ("soldiers" is a euphemism for the Sanation).[17]

The need to revise the approach to their own tradition was pointed out. The national radicals stressed that they were the rightful successors of the national camp, because "Roman Dmowski is not 'property' of the National Party". Even the Falangists admitted to this heritage: "The National Radical Movement departed from the Party, which was led by Roman Dmowski. [...] But the National Radical Movement based its ideology on the foundations of thought that Roman Dmowski gave to the new generation". At the same time, however, they drew attention to the outdatedness of the old divisions. "All the old divisions [...] are irrelevant and harmful" - proclaimed the Falangists, and "Sztafeta" echoed them: "It is time [...] to end the old [...] party disputes and outdated scores". The national radicals wrote with distaste about the lack of a program of both camps: "The strongest memory for the National Democrats is the fight against the Sanation, for the Sanation - the fight against the Endecja. In this fight, both of these groups find the meaning of their existence". Meanwhile, "the concept of the right and the left is outdated, not corresponding to the actual forces that are fighting for the face of Poland: nationalism and the folk front". This sometimes led activists to conclusions that were downright shocking - Wojciech Zaleski is supposed to have said privately about Dmowski and Piłsudski: "it would be better for Poland if both old gentlemen died".[18]

National radicalism and fascism

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When looking for sources of inspiration for national radicalism, foreign fascist movements cannot be ignored. At that time, national radicals were generally perceived as the Polish version of fascism. This was not only the opinion of their left-wing opponents. Jan Rembieliński wrote that “the ONR began in a completely fascist manner: young people in light shirts, raising hands in greeting.” According to Zygmunt Wojciechowski, the ONR program was “formulated […] with the undoubted influence of Hitlerist economic doctrines.” Jerzy Drobnik recalled that in May 1934 Mosdorf and Rossmann asked him to provide Nazi political literature.

While Krystyna Rogaczewska sees in national radicalism "obvious connections with national socialism", Jan Józef Lipski had to admit that "Unconditional apology for Hitlerism is almost non-existent". It is easy to find examples of both criticism and enthusiasm for fascism in national-radical journalism. National radicals were clearly fascinated by Italian fascism and German Nazism and other related movements, looking at them with jealous admiration. The fascination was visible in adopting external forms: uniforms, greetings, stylized symbolism. Kajetan H. Stolarski wrote in the poem March of the Young: "we will raise our right hand, saluting the Sword of the Chrobry– our victorious sign!". Positive opinions about fascism and Nazism were formulated in both branches of the national radical movement. In the pages of "Jutro" it was written: "Hitler with his bold and consistent work tore them [Germany] out of chaos [...] and pushed them towards a better future. No other [...] person of the present era has aroused so much faith, devotion and enthusiasm in his nation". The journalists from "Jutro" were echoed by the journalists from "Falanga": "It is beyond doubt that National Socialism reborn Germany, that it healed its social, economic and political life."

The party was influenced by the ideas of Italian Fascism.[19] It rejected parliamentary democracy and called for the construction of a "national state," based on the principles of hierarchy, one-person leadership, and elimination of national minorities from public life.[20]

National-Radical Movement "Falanga"

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Formation and ideology

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Bolesław Piasecki - leader of the Falanga

The RNR "Falanga" was formed in the spring of 1935 following a split by members of the National Radical Camp held in Detention Camp Bereza Kartuska. Adopting the name of Oboz Narodowo-Radykalny (National Radical Camp), it soon became known as Falanga after the title of its journal (the rival group would also soon be named after its own journal, thus becoming known as National Radical Camp "ABC").[21]

"Falanga" was more numerous than its "ABC" rivals. In 1937 it had 5,000 members. In terms of its social composition, it was, in the words of Bolesław Piasecki himself, "an organization of students and lumpenproletariat." The leading Falanga activists - in addition to B. Piasecki - were Stanisław Cimoszyński, Zygmunt Dziarmaga, Wojciech Kwasieborski, Tadeusz Lipkowski, Adolf J. Reutt, Marian Reutt, Witold Rościszewski, Witold Staniszkis, Olgierd Szpakowski, Bolesław Świderski, Andrzej Świetlicki, Wojciech Wasiutyński. The central theoretical organ of the RNR was "Ruch Młodych" (1935-1938), and later "Przełom" (1938-1939), the agitational journal - "Falanga."[22] Outside Warsaw, the Falanga gained some influence in Podlasie, Polesie, Silesia, Kielce, Poznań, Kraków, Lwów, Wilno, Gdynia, Łódz, Częstochowa, Zamość, Łuck, Kalisz and Równe. The movement - due to the conspiratorial conditions of its activities - took the form of a network of regional and field organizations, which included: National-Radical Movement (e.g., Białystok and Podhale), National-Radical Youth Movement Camp (Lwów, Wilno, Podlasie), Polish Falanga Front (Łódz), National Breakthrough Front (Poznań), "Kuźnica" (Silesia), National Labor Organization, Polish Cultural Action Organization.[22]

The Falanga was led by Bolesław Piasecki and advocated a 'Catholic totalitarianism' inspired by Spanish Falangism[citation needed]. However, although clearly derived from Falangism, it has been argued that their Catholicism was even more central than that of the Spanish group[23] and indeed their pronouncement that "God is the highest form of man" recalled the religious fanaticism of Corneliu Zelea Codreanu.[24] The group is widely considered to have been a fascist movement.[21][25][26] Harshly critical of capitalism and supportive of removing citizenship rights from Poland's Jews[21] it presented itself as the vanguard of the opposition to Józef Piłsudski.[21]

Leaflet of the "Falanga". "What are national-radical organizations and what do they fight for? Life and death for the nation."

Development

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Adam Koc - the head of OZN responsible for the short-lived collaboration between Sanation and RNR "Falanga"

Largely based on university campuses, the Falanga followed a policy of anti-Semitism and although it had few members,[9] from its power bases in schools it attempted to launch attacks on Jewish students and businesses.[27] Left-wing activists were also as part of this violent activity.[21]

Bolesław Piasecki holding a speech at an RNR's rally at the Staniewski circus

The group soon came under scrutiny from the Polish government. Indeed, unlike similar movements in other European countries that regularly held public rallies, the RNR "Falanga" held only two such gatherings, in 1934 and 1937, both of which were quickly broken up by the police.[26]

For a time, the movement became associated with the Camp of National Unity (Polish: Obóz Zjednoczenia Narodowego, OZN), as Colonel Adam Koc, impressed by the organisation of the RNR "Falanga", placed Piasecki in charge of the OZN youth group. Koc called for the creation of a one-party state and hoped to use the youth movement to ensure this, although his pronouncements upset many pro-government moderates. As such, Koc was removed from the leadership of the OZN in 1938 and replaced by General Stanisław Skwarczyński who quickly severed any ties to the RNR "Falanga".[28]

Disappearance

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The organization weakened from the summer of 1938. There were several reasons. The growing threat from the Third Reich resulted in an increasingly widespread distancing from the Nazi models with which Falanga was associated. A severe blow was the break with the Sanation, while the earlier rapprochement with the regime had compromised the idea of ​​the National Breakthrough in the eyes of many supporters. Finally, Piasecki's egocentrism turned out to be a significant factor. Although this may seem excessive psychologizing, it shows the incompatibility of the idea of ​​leadership with Polish conditions: the "soldiers of the Breakthrough" rebelled against being reduced to the role of powerless tools. As a result, after the split in OZN, Włodzimierz Pietrzak, Marian Reutt, Kazimierz Hałaburda and Władysław Hackiewicz remained, while Wojciech Wasiutyński, Bolesław Świderski, Witold Staniszkis and Stanisław Cimoszyński founded the dissident journal "Wielka Polska" in January 1939. The arrogant statement about the boycott of the elections to the Sejm in 1938 masked the weakness of the organization - wherever it ran in the elections, it was defeated (as in the local elections in Łódź, where it won only 333 votes). The disintegration of local organizations was progressing, which was admitted in the Internal Communique of the Department of Ideological Action, writing that the RNR "is in an exceptionally difficult position". According to W. Wasiutyński: "When the war broke out, Piasecki's organization practically ceased to exist".[29]

As a Polish nationalist movement the RNR "Falanga" opposed the German occupation of Poland after the 1939 invasion, and thus was quickly subsumed by the Confederation of the Nation, a group within the Polish resistance that retained certain far right views.[21] The military structure of the Confederation of the Nation was the Striking Cadre Battalions (UBK) – partisan units operating in 1942–1944 (from 1943 as part of the Home Army units).

However, following the establishment of a communist government in 1945, Piasecki was allowed to lead the PAX Association (Polish: Stowarzyszenie PAX), a supposedly Catholic organisation that was in fact a front group of the NKVD which aimed to promote the new communist regime to Poland's Catholics whilst turning them away from the Vatican.[30]

RNR "Falanga" symbols

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The symbol of the RNR was initially a black sword referring in appearance to the Szczerbiec, but without a ribbon and raised with the blade upward. White armbands with "Falanga" printed in black were also used as an alternate organizational badge, used by the magazine's distributors - usually members of the RNR. In 1937, a new badge design appeared in the form of a geometrically simplified image of a hand with a sword placed on a green background. This emblem was referred to as a "falanga"; it was intended to symbolize modernity and the coming of the "national revolution." Logos were also developed for the RNR's satellite organizations; the National Labor Organization, a small trade union of about 5,000 workers, used a symbol modeled on the "falanga" of a hand holding a hammer. In turn, the Polish Cultural Action Organization, which brought together representatives of the broader world of culture and art, used a hand with a hammer based on the initials of its name. It is not known whether RNR members, in addition to armbands with the "falanga," used other organizational badges - iconographic documents confirm that popular among them were classic swords with a sash without initials. The Falangists also had their own uniforms: at first they wore outfits according to OWP designs, with the difference that they wore green armbands with a white image of a simplified hand with a sword on the left forearm. In time, however, the sand-colored shirts were replaced by green ones to symbolize self-reliance, a radicalization of attitudes and a desire to put into practice the so-called Green Program prepared by Piasecki.[31]

  • Party emblem of the National-Radical Movement. So-called "falanga".
    Party emblem of the National-Radical Movement. So-called "falanga".
  • National Labor Organization trade union emblem
    National Labor Organization trade union emblem

National Radical Camp "ABC"/Polish Organization (OP)

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Formation and political activity

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Henryk Rossman one of the leaders of ONR "ABC". Died in 1937.

The second faction of the ONR - known as the Rossmanists or "ABC" group - was an avatar of the of the closely clandestine four-tier Polish Organization (OP). Its leadership included Henryk Rossman, Antoni Goerne, Mieczysław Harusewicz, Aleksander Heinrich, Jan Jodzewicz, Jan Korolec, Witold Kozłowski, Jerzy Kurcyusz, Wiktor Martini, Wincenty Mianowski, Witold Rościszewski, Tadeusz Salski, Włodzimierz Sylwestrowicz and Tadeusz Todtleben. The underground ONR operated through cells ("fives") aggregated according to territorial (district, provincial groups) and environmental criteria (Youth Territory, Medical, Legal, Workers, Merchants and Craftsmen, and others). The group's legal front was primarily academic associations, registered from 1936 at individual universities: The National Union of Polish Radical Youth in Warsaw, the National-Radical Youth in Poznań, the Union of Independent National Youth in Wilno, as well as the Senior Scout Circle of St. George, and the J.L. Poplawski Political Discussion Club and the H. Rossman Discussion Club, which were created in 1939 in Warsaw. The ONR gained great influence in the Warsaw and Poznań academic corporations and the Union for the Advancement of Polish Property (the so-called Polish Union), bringing together merchant and craft circles to fight Jewish competition. What failed, however, was an attempt to win over the workers' community, conducted through the Workers National-Radical Union. While the daily ABC was, from the fall of 1936, the main propaganda tube of the Rossmanists, the theoretical organ remained the "Nowy Ład" monthly. Periodicals were also published: "Alma Mater," "Goniec Warszawski," "Jutro" and the Łowicz "Polska Narodowa" (formerly associated with the SN). Conspiratorial publications included "Sztafeta", "Sztafeta Podlaska", "Bojowiec", "Miecz Wielkopolski" and "O.N.R.-owiec." Krzysztof Kawęcki notes that ONR "ABC" developed mainly in Warsaw and Poznań. Marek Windyga went so far as to say that "the history of the ONR in Warsaw, is to a large extent the history of the entire ONR." However, the activities of the Rossmanists were also noted in Pomerania, Silesia, Podlasie (Lomza, Siedlce), Kraków, Wilno, Łódz, Czestochowa, Lowicz, Plock, Lublin, Łuck and Równe - these centers were represented at the ONR "ABC" congress in Lwów in late January 1937. The ONR "ABC"'s numbers were not large In Warsaw, the number of Rossmanists was estimated at 150-500 people, nationwide at 2,000.[32]

Crisis within the organization

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Disorganized by repression and split, ONR "ABC" initially conducted its activities with less momentum than "Falanga". In addition, the position of the Rossmanists was weakened by their vacillating attitude during the blockade of the university in November 1936. Another blow to the movement was the death of Henryk Rossmann in February 1937, followed by the departure of Wojciech Zaleski and Jerzy Kurcyusz in the course of the struggle for leadership. Within the organization, there were ongoing discussions on tactics between supporters of the long-term "march through institutions" (i.e., infiltration of the state apparatus and major political forces) and enthusiasts of the "national revolution" (Wiktor Martini, Otmar Wawrzkowicz).[33]

An attempt to break the impasse

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In an attempt to resolve the impasse in 1937, the ONR "ABC" initiated the formation of the Polish Confederation - a movement with a vague program and a loose structure (the only body was to be the Citizens' Court). The program of the Confederation, open to all national-Catholic elements, testified to the impoverishment of national-radical ideology - it was limited to vague slogans of "the good of the Polish Nation," "Christian ethics" and "social justice." The project failed (in October 1938, the Confederation was dissolved by the authorities due to de facto abandonment of its activities), as did the attempt made the following year to legalize the National-Radical Party. Representatives of the (editors of the magazines "Nowy Ład," "ABC," "Jutro") participated only in a loose agreement of young-national, national-Pilsudskiites and imperialist groups - the so-called Youth Press Committee.[34]

Attitude towards National Democracy and other nationalist organizations

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The fresh conflict with the SN made agreement with this ideologically closest camp impossible. Although the considered itself the heir to the national-democratic heritage, it did not intend to be its slave. Merciless criticism was levied against the "managers of the old political parties," hindering the unification of the nation, the unprogrammability of National Democracy and its tactics of sterile opposition, and finally the identification of the nation with the National Party. It was believed that the Party's pursuit of a "monopoly on nationalism" was leading to divisions in the national camp, a situation in which "the nationalist [...] cries out that the O.N.R. will fight on an equal footing with communism." An ABC editorial in November 1936 reproached the National Democratic Party's leadership that "While the leaders of the young-nationalist movement were in Bereza, it was the older men who were enjoying blissful peace in their retreats at home," and announced: "we have no intention whatsoever of stepping on the toes of the young people who have been stupefied by the older men." Back in the spring of 1939, an attempt to reach an agreement with the All-Polish Youth failed. Both the "venom of senile hatred" of the SN and the "chad of youthful megalomania" of the Falangists were subjected to symmetrical criticism; the National-State faction (ZMN) was equally negative.[35]

Further political activity

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As a result, the political line of the Rossmanists oscillated between the opposition of the Front Morges and Sanation. Thus, on the one hand, contacts were sought with the People's Party in order to create a "broad national consensus," while on the other hand, negotiations were held with the authorities. Rossman was said to have already sought contact with the Sanation during his stay in Bereza; talks with representatives of the ruling camp began in the fall of 1936 and continued in the spring of 1937. The was the main initiator of Marshal Śmigły-Rydz's meeting with national youth at the "Arkonia" commerce on May 18, 1937, but did not achieve any success. At that time - the concession to organize the ZMP was obtained by the Falanga. Still in the autumn of 1937, Tadeusz Gluziński handed Adam Koc a letter in which he wrote: "we declare that in the crackdown on the factors of the so-called folxfront, you can count on our full cooperation within the limits of our technical and propaganda capabilities, and regardless of the tactical attitude of other national groupings." The paths of the and the Sanation, however, diverged. While at the beginning of November 1937 the publicists of "O.N.R.-owiec" believed that the Koc faction was gravitating toward nationalism, just two weeks later they condemned Koc (as a "party man"), the ZMP ("a symbol of perfidious gamesmanship") and the OZN ("attempts to save Sanation"). After OZN's break with the Falanga, the again revived the idea of compromise with sanation, as documented by a series of gestures, such as the conciliatory leaflet "In view of the Wilno events!" or government support during the Lithuanian and Czechoslovak crises. In 1938, the leaders of the group (Alexander Heinrich, Jan Jodzewicz and Jerzy Kurcyusz) went on a visit to Marshal Śmigły-Rydz. In June of the following year, J. Jodzewicz made an offer to cooperate with the government without any preconditions.[36]

Participation in elections

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ONR "ABC" did not boycott the local elections in 1938-1939. In Warsaw, the group started as the National Radical Committee for the De-Jewishization of Warsaw, winning 8.5% of the votes and 5 seats (against 8 seats for the SN). In Poznań, the National Radical Electoral Committee put forward a candidate in only one district (Stanisław Kasznica), who received 457 votes; in Wielkopolska, ONR won 2 seats. In total, the ONR lists won 1.2% votes. also gained unofficial parliamentary representation – MP Franciszek Stoch. However, from March 1939 the ONR "ABC" noted a decline in activity. [37]

Secret organizational structure

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The Polish Organization (OP) was a secret internal organization of the National-Radical Camp, established April 1934; it consisted of several levels of initiation arranged hierarchically, starting with the lowest, were as follows:

  1. Level "S" (Section)
  2. Level "C" (Czarniecki)
  3. Level "Z" (National Order)
  4. Level "A" (Political Committee)

The lowest level "S" (section), then "C" (Czarniecki), "Z" (Zakon Narodowy) were led by the Executive Committee (chairman W. Martini); the highest authority of the OP was the three-person level "A" (Political Committee) with undisclosed composition.

During World War II

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The dualistic structure - a strictly conspiratorial, hierarchical Polish Organization and overt activities (editorials of magazines, such as "ABC", participation in legal associations) - proved useful after the September defeat. The leadership of the OP quite quickly worked out a plan for political and military work in the underground. The most important was the decision made on October 14, 1939 to form the Military Organization Lizard Union, headed by Władysław Marcinkowski "Jaxa".[38] Efforts were made to recruit officers who had been reluctant to join the Sanation before 1939. Political and command authority over the ZJ was carried out by the Szaniec Group.[39] During conspiration the composition of the OP was reconstructed; successive chairmen of the Executive Committee: S. Nowicki, T. Salski; chairmen of the Political Committee: W. Brodowski, Stanisław Kasznica, K. Romer, B. Sobocinski; OP was subordinate to outside organizations, including Military Organization Lizard Union and National Armed Forces (NSZ) environmental organizations: "Crew" (workers'), Union of People's Activists. ("Zydel"), Union of Polish Advocates, Union of Reconstruction of Law, Youth of Great Poland, Wiara i Wola (women's); 1942-44 members of the Executive Committee of OP, as representatives of ONR, were members of the Presidium of the Provisional National Political Council; 1945-47 OP broken up by arrests, ceased activities.[40]

See also

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References

[edit]
  1. ^ 1935 (Falanga & ABC)
  2. ^ (Banned by a decree of the Polish government)
    1939 (Falanga & ABC)
  3. ^ Rudnicki, Szymon (1985). Obóz Narodowo-Radykalny: Geneza i działalność. Warszawa: Czytelnik. ISBN 83-07-01221-X.
  4. ^ Marek J. Chodakiewicz, Jolanta Mysiakowska-Muszyńska, Wojciech J. Muszyński (2015). Polska dla Polaków!. Kim byli i są polscy narodowcy. Poznań. p. 164. ISBN 9788377857472.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  5. ^ Antoni Dudek, Grzegorz Pytel: Bolesław Piasecki. Próba biografii politycznej. Londyn: 1990. p. 58. ISBN 0-906601-74-6.
  6. ^ Stanley G. Payne, A History of Fascism 1914-1945, London: Routledge, 2001, p. 262.
  7. ^ Historia ONR www.wyborcza.pl.
  8. ^ Christian Davies (11 November 2018). "Poland's president addresses far right at independence march". Guardian.
  9. ^ a b c d e (in Polish) Obóz Narodowo-Radykalny Archived 30 May 2011 at the Wayback Machine WIEM Encyklopedia
  10. ^ Martin Blinkhorn (2000). Fascism and the Right in Europe 1919-1945 (2013 ed.). Routledge. p. 53.
  11. ^ Aristotle Kallis (2009). Genocide and Fascism: The Eliminationist Drive in Fascist Europe. Routledge. p. 125. ISBN 9781134300341.
  12. ^ Tomasiewicz, Jarosław (2019). W kierunku nacjokracji. Tendencje autorytarne, totalitarne i profaszystowskie w polskiej myśli politycznej (1933-1939): narodowcy-narodowi-radykałowie-narodowi socjaliści [Toward a Nationocracy. Authoritarian, totalitarian and pro-fascist tendencies in Polish political thought (1933-1939): nationalists-national-radicals-national socialists]. Katowice: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego. pp. 120–121.
  13. ^ Tomasiewicz, Jarosław (2019). Tendencje autorytarne, totalitarne i profaszystowskie w polskiej myśli politycznej (1933-1939): narodowcy-narodowi-radykałowie-narodowi socjaliści [Toward a Nationocracy. Authoritarian, totalitarian and pro-fascist tendencies in Polish political thought (1933-1939): nationalists-national-radicals-national socialists]. Katowice: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego. pp. 121–122.
  14. ^ a b Kosiński, Krzysztof (2020). "Ekonomia krwi": konspiracja narodowa w walczącej Warszawie: 1939 - 1944 - 1990 (Wydanie I ed.). Warszawa: Instytut Historii PAN. p. 39. ISBN 978-83-65880-64-2.
  15. ^ Tomasiewicz, Jarosław (2019). W kierunku nacjokracji: tendencje autorytarne, totalistyczne i profaszystowskie w polskiej myśli politycznej (1933-1939): narodowcy - narodowi radykałowie - narodowi socjaliści. Prace Naukowe Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Katowicach (Wydanie I ed.). Katowice: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego. p. 124. ISBN 978-83-226-3356-4.
  16. ^ Tomasiewicz, Jarosław (2019). W kierunku nacjokracji: tendencje autorytarne, totalistyczne i profaszystowskie w polskiej myśli politycznej (1933-1939): narodowcy - narodowi radykałowie - narodowi socjaliści. Prace Naukowe Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Katowicach (Wydanie I ed.). Katowice: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego. pp. 135–136. ISBN 978-83-226-3356-4.
  17. ^ Tomasiewicz, Jarosław (2019). W kierunku nacjokracji: tendencje autorytarne, totalistyczne i profaszystowskie w polskiej myśli politycznej (1933-1939): narodowcy - narodowi radykałowie - narodowi socjaliści. Prace Naukowe Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Katowicach (Wydanie I ed.). Katowice: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego. p. 136. ISBN 978-83-226-3356-4.
  18. ^ Tomasiewicz, Jarosław (2019). W kierunku nacjokracji: tendencje autorytarne, totalistyczne i profaszystowskie w polskiej myśli politycznej (1933-1939): narodowcy - narodowi radykałowie - narodowi socjaliści. Prace Naukowe Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Katowicach (Wydanie I ed.). Katowice: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego. pp. 136–137. ISBN 978-83-226-3356-4.
  19. ^ Marszał, Maciej (2007). Włoski faszyzm w polskiej myśli politycznej i prawnej 1922-1939 (in Polish). Wydawn. Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego. p. 32. ISBN 978-83-229-2791-5.
  20. ^ Lerski, Jerzy J.; Wróbel, Piotr; Kozicki, Richard J. (1996). Historical Dictionary of Poland, 966-1945. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press. pp. 379. ISBN 978-0-313-26007-0.
  21. ^ a b c d e f C.P. Blamires, World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia, ABC-Clio, 2006, p. 523
  22. ^ a b Tomasiewicz, Jarosław (2019). W kierunku nacjokracji: tendencje autorytarne, totalistyczne i profaszystowskie w polskiej myśli politycznej (1933-1939): narodowcy - narodowi radykałowie - narodowi socjaliści. Prace Naukowe Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Katowicach (Wydanie I ed.). Katowice: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego. p. 125. ISBN 978-83-226-3356-4.
  23. ^ Stanley G. Payne, A History of Fascism 1914-1945, London: Routledge, 2001, p. 262
  24. ^ Payne, A History of Fascism, pp. 321-2
  25. ^ P. Davies & D. Lynch, The Routledge Companion to Fascism and the Far Right, London: Routledge, 2002. p. 324
  26. ^ a b Norman Davies, God's Playground: A History of Poland Volume 2: 1795 to the Present, Columbia University Press, 1982, p. 262
  27. ^ J.W. Borejsza, "East European Perceptions of Italian Fascism", S. U. Larsen, B. Hagtvet & J. P. Myklebust, Who Were the Fascists: Social Roots of European Fascism, Scandinavian University Press, Oslo, 1980, p. 358
  28. ^ Payne, A History of Fascism, p. 322
  29. ^ Tomasiewicz, Jarosław (2019). W kierunku nacjokracji. Tendencje autorytarne, totalitarne i profaszystowskie w polskiej myśli politycznej (1933-1939): narodowcy-narodowi-radykałowie-narodowi socjaliści [Toward a Nationocracy. Authoritarian, totalitarian and pro-fascist tendencies in Polish political thought (1933-1939): nationalists-national-radicals-national socialists]. Katowice: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego. pp. 129–130.
  30. ^ Davies, God's Playground, p. 579
  31. ^ Rafał Dobrowolski, Wojciech Jerzy Muszyński. Z dziejów obozu narodowego. "Szczerbiec Chrobrego i symbolika polskiego ruchu narodowego w latach 1926–1939". Glaukopis 23-24. p.114-115
  32. ^ Tomasiewicz, Jarosław (2019). W kierunku nacjokracji. Tendencje autorytarne, totalitarne i profaszystowskie w polskiej myśli politycznej (1933-1939): narodowcy-narodowi-radykałowie-narodowi socjaliści [Toward a Nationocracy. Authoritarian, totalitarian and pro-fascist tendencies in Polish political thought (1933-1939): nationalists-national-radicals-national socialists]. Katowice: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego. pp. 130–131.
  33. ^ Tomasiewicz, Jarosław (2019). W kierunku nacjokracji. Tendencje autorytarne, totalitarne i profaszystowskie w polskiej myśli politycznej (1933-1939): narodowcy-narodowi-radykałowie-narodowi socjaliści [Toward a Nationocracy. Authoritarian, totalitarian and pro-fascist tendencies in Polish political thought (1933-1939): nationalists-national-radicals-national socialists]. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego. p. 132.
  34. ^ Tomasiewicz, Jarosław (2019). W kierunku nacjokracji. Tendencje autorytarne, totalitarne i profaszystowskie w polskiej myśli politycznej (1933-1939): narodowcy-narodowi-radykałowie-narodowi socjaliści [Toward a Nationocracy. Authoritarian, totalitarian and pro-fascist tendencies in Polish political thought (1933-1939): nationalists-national-radicals-national socialists]. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego. p. 132.
  35. ^ Tomasiewicz, Jarosław (2019). W kierunku nacjokracji. Tendencje autorytarne, totalitarne i profaszystowskie w polskiej myśli politycznej (1933-1939): narodowcy-narodowi-radykałowie-narodowi socjaliści [Toward a Nationocracy. Authoritarian, totalitarian and pro-fascist tendencies in Polish political thought (1933-1939): nationalists-national-radicals-national socialists]. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego. p. 133.
  36. ^ Tomasiewicz, Jarosław (2019). W kierunku nacjokracji. Tendencje autorytarne, totalitarne i profaszystowskie w polskiej myśli politycznej (1933-1939): narodowcy-narodowi-radykałowie-narodowi socjaliści [Toward a Nationocracy. Authoritarian, totalitarian and pro-fascist tendencies in Polish political thought (1933-1939): nationalists-national-radicals-national socialists]. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego. pp. 133–134.
  37. ^ Tomasiewicz, Jarosław (2019). W kierunku nacjokracji. Tendencje autorytarne, totalitarne i profaszystowskie w polskiej myśli politycznej (1933-1939): narodowcy-narodowi-radykałowie-narodowi socjaliści [Toward a Nationocracy. Authoritarian, totalitarian and pro-fascist tendencies in Polish political thought (1933-1939): nationalists-national-radicals-national socialists]. Katowice: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego. pp. 134–135.
  38. ^ Kosiński, Krzysztof (2020). „Ekonomia krwi” Konspiracja narodowa w walczącej Warszawie: 1939-1944-1990 ["Economy of Blood" The National Conspiracy in Fighting Warsaw: 1939-1944-1990]. Warszawa: Instytut Historii PAN. p. 64.
  39. ^ "Organizacja Polska w konspiracji. Grupa Szańca". Związek Żołnierzy Narodowych Sił Zbrojnych.
  40. ^ "Organizacja Polska". Encyklopedia PWN.

Further reading

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