User:Garygo golob/Karst dialect/sandbox
| Karst dialect | |
|---|---|
| Gorizia-Karst dialect | |
| kˈraːško naˈrieːči̯e | |
| Pronunciation | kˈɾaːʃkɔ naˈɾiɛːt͡ʃjɛ |
| Native to | Slovenia, Italy |
| Region | Northern Karst Plateau, lower Soča Valley |
| Ethnicity | Slovenes |
Early forms | Northwestern Slovene dialect
|
| Language codes | |
| ISO 639-3 | – |
 Karst dialect with Banjšice subdialect | |
| South Slavic languages and dialects |
|---|
This article uses Logar transcription.
The Karst dialect (Slovene: kraško narečje [ˈkɾáːʃkɔ naˈɾéːt͡ʃjɛ],[1] kraščina[2]), sometimes called Gorizia–Karst dialect (Slovene: goriškokraško narečje [gɔˈɾìːʃkɔˈkɾáːʃkɔ naˈɾéːt͡ʃjɛ]),[3] is a Slovene dialect spoken in northern Karst Plateau, in central Slovene Littoral and in parts of the Italian provinces of Trieste/Trst and Gorizia/Gorica. The dialect borders Inner Carniolan dialect to the south, Cerkno dialect to the east, Tolmin dialect to the northeast, Soča dialect to the north, Natisone Valley and Brda dialects to the northwest,[4] and Veneitian and Friulian to the west. The dialect belongs to the Littoral dialect group, and evolved from Veneitian-Karst dialect plane.[4][5]
Geographic distribution[edit]
The name of the dialect is somewhat misleading because its use is not limited to the Karst Plateau, nor does it encompass the entire Karst Plateau. It is spoken only in the northwestern parts of the Karst Plateau, in a line from the villages of Prosecco/Prosek and Contovello/Kontovel near Trieste/Trst, west of Sgonico/Zgonik, Dutovlje, Štanjel and Dobravlje. East of that line, the Inner Carniolan dialect is spoken. In addition to the northwestern part of the Karst Plateau, the dialect is spoken in the lower Vipava Valley (west of Črniče), in the lower Soča Valley (south of Ročinj and up to Manizza/Majnica), and on the Banjšice Plateau and the Trnovo Forest Plateau.
It thus encompasses most of the territory of the Municipality of Kanal ob Soči, and the entire territory of the municipalities of Nova Gorica, Renče-Vogrsko, Šempeter-Vrtojba, Miren-Kostanjevica, and Komen, as well as some villages in the western part of the Municipality of Sežana. It is also spoken in the southern suburbs of the Italian town of Gorizia/Gorica (most notably in the suburb of Sant'Andrea/Štandrež), and in the municipalities of Savogna d'Isonzo/Sovodnje, Doberdò del Lago/Doberdob, and Duino-Aurisina/Devin-Nabrežina. It is also spoken in some northwestern suburbs of Trieste/Trst (especially in Barcola/Barkovlje, Prosecco/Prosek, and Contovello/Kontovel).[6][4]
Notable settlements include Prosecco/Prosek, Santa Croce/Križ, Aurisina/Nabrežina, Sistiana/Sesljan, Duino/Devin, Savogna/Sovodnje, Lucinico/Ločnik, and Gorizia/Gorica in Italy, as well as Komen, Branik, Dornberk, Prvačina, Renče, Vogrsko, Miren, Bilje, Bukovica, Volčja Draga, Šempeter, Vrtojba, Šempas, Vitovlje, Ozeljan, Nova Gorica, Solkan, Grgar, Deskle, Anhovo, and Kanal ob Soči in Slovenia.
Some 60,000 to 70,000 Slovene speakers live in the territory where the dialect is spoken, most of whom have some level of knowledge of the dialect.
Accentual changes[edit]
Karst dialect lost pitch accent, as well as distinction between long and short vowels. It has also undergone four accent shifts: *ženȁ → *žèna, *məglȁ → *mə̀gla, *visȍk → vìsok, and *ropotȁt → *ròpotat. Banjšice subdialect still has distinction between long and short vowels and has not undergone *ropotȁt → *ròpotat shift.[7]
Phonology[edit]
Non-final *ě̀ and *ě̄ turned into iːẹ or iːə. Alpine Slavic and later lengthened *ę̄ turned into iːe or iːə, around Gorica to aː, and ə or ḁ from Vrtovin to Solkan and Grgar. Vowel *ē turned into iːẹ or iːə. Vowel *ō turned into uː under influence from Inner Carniolan dialect southeast from Komen, elsewhere it is uːọ or uːə, while non-final *ò stayed as a diphthong everywhere. Alpine Slavic *ǭ and non-final *ǫ̀ turned into uːo, uːə or uọ, or simplified to uː around Dutovlje and Komen. Vowel *ū evolved into uː. Syllabic *ł̥̄ mostly turned into uː, probably because of Bosnian immigrants, but some microdialects still pronounce it as oːu̯.[8] Long *ə̄ turned into aː, around Solkan back into ə.[9]
Final *ǫ, *o, *ę and *e turned into u, o, ə, and e, respectively.[8]
Palatal consonants are still palatal, except *t’ turned into ć, rarely also into č and *ĺ might have depalatalized. Consonant *g turned into ɣ. Velar *ł still exists.[10]
Banjšice subdialect is more archaic, diphthongs are more prominent, *ǭ turned into oː and *ę̄ mostly turned into aː, although eː and ieː also exist. Vowel *ē mostly turned into *eː, but is still ieː in the south. Newly stressed e and o are pronounced as short e̥/ə and ọ (in the far north also a), respectively. Palatal *ń turned into i̯n in Avče.[11]
Morphology[edit]
Neuter gender exists in singular, but is feminized in plural. Dual is mostly lost, except in the east, where there are some remains. All verbs get -s- infix in second and third person plural.[12] Long infinitive was replaced by short[6] and o-stem nouns have ending -i in dative and locative singular.[12]
Subdivision[edit]
Karst dialect has a more archaic subdialect, Banjšice subdialect in the northern part, which still has length oppositions in stressed syllables and has not undergone *ropotȁt → *ròpotat accent shift.[5] Northern microdialects (particularly Avče microdialect) show influence of Tolmin dialect.[11] The rest of Karst dialect is not uniform either and can be mainly split into four subcategories, based on pronunciation of *ǭ and *ę̄. Vowel *ǭ is pronounced as uːo/uːə in the west and u in the east, and *ę̄ is pronounced as ieː~aː in the north and as ieː in the south.[5]
References[edit]
- ^ Smole, Vera. 1998. "Slovenska narečja." Enciklopedija Slovenije vol. 12, pp. 1–5. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga, p. 2.
- ^ Logar, Tine. 1996. Dialektološke in jezikovnozgodovinske razprave. Ljubljana: SAZU, p. 66.
- ^ Furlan, Metka. 2010. "Pivško jygajo se 'guncajo se' (Petelinje) ali o nastanku slovenskega razmerja jugati : gugati." Slavistična revija 58(1): 9–19.
- ^ a b c "Karta slovenskih narečij z večjimi naselji" (PDF). Fran.si. Inštitut za slovenski jezik Frana Ramovša ZRC SAZU. Retrieved June 8, 2020.
- ^ a b c Šekli (2018:327–328)
- ^ a b Toporišič, Jože. 1992. Enciklopedija slovenskega jezika. Ljubljana: Cankarjeva založba, p. 89.
- ^ Šekli (2018:310–314)
- ^ a b Logar (1996:65–67)
- ^ Logar (1996:57–59)
- ^ Logar (1996:33)
- ^ a b Logar (1996:60–64)
- ^ a b Smole, Vera (2001). Javornik, Marjan (ed.). Zahodna slovenska narečja (in Slovenian). Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga.
Bibliography[edit]
- Logar, Tine (1996). Kenda-Jež, Karmen (ed.). Dialektološke in jezikovnozgodovinske razprave [Dialectological and etymological discussions] (in Slovenian). Ljubljana: Znanstvenoraziskovalni center SAZU, Inštitut za slovenski jezik Frana Ramovša. ISBN 961-6182-18-8.
- Šekli, Matej (2018). Legan Ravnikar, Andreja (ed.). Topologija lingvogenez slovanskih jezikov (in Slovenian). Translated by Plotnikova, Anastasija. Ljubljana: Znanstvenoraziskovalni center SAZU. ISBN 978-961-05-0137-4.
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