User:Igsolis/sandbox
Concept[edit]
The overarching concept of learning by observing and pitching-in can be broken down into smaller theoretical subdivisions which interact and are not mutually exclusive: For one, these communities encourage incorporation of children into ongoing familial and community endeavors. Treating children as legitimate participants who are expected to contribute based on their individual skills and interests, aids their integration as active contributors towards mature processes and activities within their respective communities.
Another crucial component of child development deals with the initiative and self-induced motivation of the learners (or children) themselves.[1] Their eagerness to contribute, ability to execute roles, and search for a sense of belonging helps mold them into valued members of both their families and communities alike. Children take pride in their contributions to the community. When they contribute to their household children are able to see the value and importance of their work as it helps maintain their family’s well being. The children are motivated to observe and learn because they are aware that they are making an important contribution to the family or community; children feel pride and self-worth as they help provide for their younger siblings, family and community. Children are expected to learn community practices in order to become valuable contributers in the community, however children will also observe activities they are interested in. Their interest motivates them to observe and, thus, learn.[2]
In terms of the actual endeavors, they are approached collaboratively as a group.[3] This allows for flexible leadership and fluid coordination with one another to successfully facilitate such activities. With a relatively neutral platform for everyone to be actively engaged, an environment is promoted where learning to blend differing ideas, agendas and pace is necessary and thus, encouraged. Additionally, children complain very little when working because they are included in a mixed-age group that socializes and tells stories and jokes while working. Therefore, work is not a duty, but rather a social endeavor.[4]
The goal of learning is more about the transformation of participation in which other important skills and information are acquired in the process (i.e. responsibility, consideration, observation, etc.), as well as making assimilation and acceptance into the community an easier transition.
In another component, Indigenous communities of the Americas advocate the idea that children’s learning should be stimulated through wide, keen attention and perceptual alertness, with only the occasional guidance or direct cues by people on what to observe, how, and why.[5] This behavior begins in pre-linguistic infancy as babies show attention by directing body language, eye contact, and gestures towards third parties and external sources.[6] Adults and children alike are able to form their own experience and understanding, making the transference of knowledge not unidirectional and creates an environment that fosters more of a back-and-forth conversation between children and adults/caregivers. With widened attention and selective guidance, children are able to better understand and question the world around them, subsequently being more easily incorporated and seen as stronger (and more valued) contributors to family/community learning and their various undertakings. This belief is reflected in the numerous storytelling practices within Indigenous communities. Stories are often employed in order to pass on moral and cultural lessons throughout generations of Indigenous peoples, and are rarely used as a unidirectional transference of knowledge. Rather, narratives and dramatizations contextualize information and children are encouraged to participate and observe storytelling rituals in order to take part in the knowledge exchange between elder and child.[7]
In most Indigenous American communities, communication and learning occurs when all participants view a shared reference to encourage familiarity with the task. Moreover, it incorporates usage of both verbal and nonverbal communication. When explanations are provided, it is coupled with the activity so that it can be a means of further understanding or easier execution of the ongoing/anticipated activity at hand. In addition, narratives and dramatizations are often used as a tool to guide learning and development because it helps contextualize information and ideas in the form of remembered or hypothetical scenarios.[8] Furthermore, narratives in Indigenous American communities serve as a non-confrontational method of guiding children's development. Due to the fact that it is considered impolite and embarrassing to directly single out a child for improper behavior, narratives and dramatizations serve as a subtle way to inform and direct children's learning.[9]
The process of assessment includes appraisal of both the learner’s progress towards mastery, and the success of support being given to the learner. Assessment occurs during a task so that it can strengthen the overall contribution being made. Then, feedback is given of the final product or effort to contribute, where it is either accepted and appreciated by others, or corrected to make future endeavors more productive. Thus, the evaluation process is ongoing and coexists with the task itself, rather than occurring after the task is completed.[10]
Parenting[edit]
In such cultures, community members have nearly as much agency as the child's parents in the child’s learning. Parents (and other community members) instill indirect support to activities, encouraging autonomy and self-responsibility. Learning and everyday endeavors are not mutually exclusive. Because the children are incrementally eased into taking a bigger part in the community, processes, tasks, and activities are adequately completed with no compromise to quality. Hence, the community is not weary of task risks simply due to the presence and involvement of children. Contrasted with patterns of parent-child engagement in Western communities, it is evident that child learning participation and interaction styles are relative socio-cultural constructs. Factors such as historical context, values, beliefs, and practices must be incorporated in the interpretation of a cultural community and children’s acquisition of knowledge should not be considered universal.[12] Some Indigenous communities pass on knowledge through nonverbal communication, storytelling, teasing and monitoring. All these tools lend to the learning necessary to develop by immersion into the productive activities of the community.
References[edit]
- ^ Alcalá, L., Rogoff, B., Mejía-‐Arauz, R., Coppens, A.D., & Roberts, A.L.D. (2014). Children’s initiative in contributions to family work in indigenous-‐heritage and cosmopolitan communities in Mexico. In B. Rogoff, L. Alcala, A.D. Coppens, A. Lopez, O. Ruvalcaba, & K. Silva (Eds). Children learning by observing and pitching-in in their families and communities. Special Issue of Human Development.
- ^ Kramer, K. (2005). Maya children: Helpers at the farm. Harvard University Press.
- ^ Chavajay, P., & Rogoff, B. (2002). Schooling and traditional collaborative social organization of problem solving by Mayan mothers and children. Developmental Psychology, 38(1), 55. PMID 11806702.
- ^ Kramer, K. (2005). Maya children: Helpers at the farm. Harvard University Press.
- ^ Correa-Chávez, M., Roberts, A. L. D., & Pérez, M. M. (2011). Cultural patterns in children's learning through keen observation and participation in their communities. (pp. 209-241) Elsevier Academic Press, San Diego, CA. PMID 21887963
- ^ León, L. D. (1998), The Emergent Participant: Interactive Patterns in the Socialization of Tzotzil (Mayan) Infants. Journal of Linguistic Anthropology, 8: 131–161. doi:10.1525/jlin.1998.8.2.131
- ^ Hodge, et al. 2002. Utilizing Traditional Storytelling to Promote Wellness in American Indian Communities. PMC 3098048
- ^ Paradise, R. (1996). Passivity or tacit collaboration: Mazahua interaction in cultural context. Learning and Instruction, Volume 6, Number 4, 379-389. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0959-4752(96)00022-9
- ^ Battiste, Marie. (2002) Indigenous Knowledge and Pedagogy in First Nations Education: A Literature Review with Recommendations. Ottawa, Ont.: Indian and Northern Affairs.
- ^ Rogoff, B., Moore, L., Najafi, B., Dexter, A., Correa-Chávez, M., & Solís, J. (2007). Children's development of cultural repertoires through participation in everyday routines and practices Chapter 19.
- ^ Mabel Powers (1917). Stories the Iroquois Tell Their Children. Library of Alexandria. ISBN 978-1-61310-913-7.
- ^ Chavajay, P., & Rogoff, B. (1999). Cultural variation in management of attention by children and their caregivers. Developmental Psychology, 35(4), 1079.