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The logic of industrialization[a] thesis is a sociological theory positing that welfare states emerge in response to societal changes brought on by industrialization. The thesis is most closely associated with the American sociologist Harold Wilensky and the American economist Clark Kerr.[1][2]

The thesis posits that the process of industrialization creates substantial societal change: economic growth, population growth, a division of labor, a rise in cyclical unemployment, the creation of a landless working class, changing family and community relations, and the need for a healthy and literate workforce. The welfare state is theorized to step in to fulfill the needs of the population created by such change.

Description

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Christopher Pierson identifies a number of

Weak and strong versions

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The sociologists John Myles and Jill Quadagno identify two versions of the theory:[3]

  • The "weak" version: The weak version holds that industrialism is a necessary but not a sufficient condition to explain welfare state expansion. In other words, welfare states can only emerge after industrialization, but industrialization does not on its own lead necessarily to the emergence of a welfare state. According to Myles and Quadagno, this version is widely held among welfare state scholars.
  • The "strong" version: The strong version holds that industrialization itself is the primary driver of the emergence and growth of welfare states. This version is highly contested among scholars, many of whom point to other forces like party politics, the preferences of political leaders, the strength of labor movements, and institutional structures to explain the development of welfare states (see Other theories).

Criticism

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The principle critique of the logic of industrialism thesis is that it fails to explain differences among welfare states in countries of similar economic development.

Other theories

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Modernization

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The modernization approach to welfare state development is similar to the logic of industrialization thesis in that they are both based on a progressive-evolutionary logic (a belief that states inevitably progress towards higher stages of development) that place industrialization as a key driver in the development of welfare states. Modernization theories, however, situate welfare state development within a broader process of political modernization. In particular, modernization theories identify industrialization (economic modernization) as one of two key drivers of the development of welfare states, the other being democratization (political modernization).[4]

Neo-Marxist

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Social Democratic

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Social democratic theories of the development of the welfare state postulate that the strength of labor, and in particular in labor's ability to organize into trade unions and social democratic political parties, is the key factor in the development of welfare programs.[5]

Power resources model

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Feminist

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Race

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Many scholars argue that race plays a substantial role in the trajectory of welfare state development, particularly in the United States. Racial critiques of welfare state theories generally fall into one of two interrelated categories: first, that welfare states have been constructed to systematically disadvantage racial and ethnic minorities; and second, that a desire to maintain racial hierarchies (for example, white supremacy in the United States, particularly in the South) stunt the expansion of welfare programs.

In the first category, scholars focus on the ways in which racial and ethnic groups have historically been excluded from or disadvantaged within social programs.

In the second category, scholars argue that attempts to disadvantage racial groups extend beyond limiting or excluding those racial groups from welfare programs to disrupting the growth of welfare programs writ large. These critiques often focus heavily on the United States, which was less ethnically homogeneous than Western European countries in the 20th and late 19th century and which has a long history of subjugating its substantial African American population. The economic historians Lee J. Alston and Joseph P. Ferrie, for instance, argue that efforts by southern politicians to maintain the region's agricultural economic system, which relief heavily upon sharecropping, thwarted efforts to expand welfare programs and place them more heavily under federal, rather than local, control.[b][6]

Historical institutionalism

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The role of patronage politics in the United States, for instance, has been identified as key contributor to the late development of social insurance in the United States.[7]

Notes

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  1. ^ It is also sometimes called the "logic of industrialism" thesis.
  2. ^ This argument also falls under the historical institutionalist approach discussed in the next section. Indeed, the publisher's description of the book describes it as falling under the new institutional economics school of thought.

Citations

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  1. ^ Pierson 1998, p. 14.
  2. ^ Cousins 2012, p. 20–21.
  3. ^ Myles & Quadagno 2002, p. 36–37.
  4. ^ Pierson 1998, p. 20–22.
  5. ^ Skocpol & Amenta 1986, p. 139–143.
  6. ^ Alston & Ferrie 1999.
  7. ^ Amenta, Bonastia & Caren 2001, p. 225–226.

References

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