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In How to Queer Ecology, Johnson explains that “to queer” is to acknowledge the complexities present in nature and to rid interpretations of nature from human assumptions. One example they use is David Quammen’s essay “The Miracle of the Geese”, where Quammen celebrates the fact that he has found an “ecological mandate” for monogamy between mating partners. Johnson argues that, this assertion not only ignores behaviors between geese that could be considered homosexual, but also projects an aspirational purity onto nature. Johnson discusses how notions of what is and isn’t nature has affected him as a queer person while also explain how this discourse is unhelpful to understanding nature itself. He also argues that generalizing and moralizing nature places value on certain behaviors and misrepresents the possibility of future behavior. Johnson also calls into question the anxiety around political correctness as it relates to queerness and how it can limit the ability for one to discuss queerness and to acknowledge queerness in nature.

In “Gender and the Environment: A Feminist Political Ecology”, Rocheleau et al. provide an introduction to the theoretical frameworks present in the ways we discuss the environment and its relationship with gender.

Land Claims

Brondo discusses indiginous land claims by comparing the way that two political organizations, La Organización Fraternal Negro Hondureño (OFRANEH) and La Organización de Desarrollo Etnico Comunitario (ODECO), concerned with maintaining Garifuna, a group in the Caribbean and St. Vincent, and their relationship to the concept of ingenious land rights. Politically, what makes aligning a group’s claims to land with indignity so attractive for Garifuna activists is that protection of indigenous cultures recognizes maintenance of control over land as necessary for cultural survival. Many conferences and intergovernmental organizations such as the UN and UNESCO have used this argument to protect indigenous self-determination and argue that removal of ingenious land is a social justice problem as ethnocide. OFRANEH uses this connection to ingenious land rights as a political self identification, Brondo writes, because although the Garifuna were not permanently situated on one area of land for the entirety of their history, their connection to their land was culturally significant. UN and other organizations actually shifted their notions of indignity due to the fact that afro-indigenius populations, such as the Garifuna may have similar relationships between their way of life and their land even though part of their heritage is African. ODECO is instead interested in the racial identity of Afro-Hondurians and uses a notion of “blackness” in their self-identification. Another major difference between these two organizations that Brondo points out is that ODECO is in support of collaborating with governmental powers in their work whereas OFRANEH opposes neoliberalism. OFRANEH is skeptical of the theoretical notion of “development” and the ways in which it can dissolve tradition and relationships with the natural world. Another important distinction between these groups is that OFRANEH has far more women leadership and more basis in feminist critiques of neoliberalism and cultural connection to land.