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The Rae-Richardson Polar Expedition of 1848 was an early British effort to determine the fate of the lost Franklin Polar Expedition. Led overland by Sir John Richardson and John Rae, the team explored the accessible areas along Franklin's proposed route near the Mackenzie and Coppermine rivers. Although no direct contact with Franklin's forces was achieved, Rae later interviewed the Inuit of the region and obtained credible accounts that the desperate remnants of Franklin's team had resorted to cannibalism. This revelation was so unpopular that Rae was effectively shunned by the British Admiralty and popular opinion, and the search for Franklin continued for several years.

Preparation

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As early as 1847, it was believed that Franklin's forces were likely icebound. The British Admiralty devised a three-pronged rescue effort to address the three most likely escape routes for Franklin - Lancaster Sound, the Mackenzie River (to the settlement of the Hudson Bay Company fur traders), and Beering's Straits [1]. Sir John Richardson, who had participated in earlier Arctic expeditions with Franklin himself, took the objective of the Mackenzie River, tracing the coast between the Mackenzie and Coppermine rivers, as well as the shores of Victoria and Wollaston Lands in an overland expedition.

Assuming the existence of an unknown but likely passage between these lands, it would have been the most direct route of travel consistent with Franklin's original exploration orders. John Rae of the Hudson Bay Company, was attached to this effort. Rae had 15 years of experience in the region and regarded the indegenous people with uncommon respect. It was planned that the expedition would extend their search by wintering in the area of Great Bear Lake.

Recent seasons of hunting in Rupert's Land (as the Hudson Bay Company area was called) had been poor, so additional provisions were transported to the area in 1847, prior to Richardson's departure. These consisted of over 17,000 lbs of canned pemmican. Four boats were constructed (at Portsmouth Dock Yard and Camper's Yard at Gosport) for the river navigation, yet similar to whaleboats, at about 30 feet long by 6 feet wide, about a half-ton each in weight, but designed so that the two smaller boats fit inside the two larger boats during shipping. [1] Five seamen and fifteen sappers and miners were selected as the expedition crew, many also skilled in carpentry, blacksmithing and engineering. The company's men and supplies departed England on June 15, 1847, making way for Hudson Bay.

Ice in the Hudson Straits delayed the supply and crew landing until September 8, while Richardson completed his preparations in England. The Hudson Bay Company provided transport of additional supply caches along their proposed route. Workers were deployed to fish and cut firewood in anticipation of the expedition. Richardson and Rae set out from Liverpool on March 25, 1848, landed in New York on April 10, and reaching Montreal four days later. Two canoes, crewed mainly by Iriquois and Chippewa, delivered Richardson, Rae, and their personal equipment to Cumberland House on the Saskatchewan on June 13. Travelling by canoe and portage, Richardson and Rae met the advance party at Methy Portage on June 28, continuing down the Slave River with them until mid-July, reaching Fort Resolution on Great Slave Lake, source of the Mackenzie River, on the 17th.

Reaching the Winter Encampment

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Continuing through areas populated by several native tribes, they passed the tree line on August 2. The party was occasionally harassed by groups of Inuit aboard kayak and umiak, but successfully supressed the occasional aggressive posturing and developed good trading relations. These Inuit were interviewed, and denied having seen any Europeans or ships, even as far back as Rae's trip through the area during the Ross Expedition of 1826. They continued on, hunting as they went, past Franklin Bay and Cape Parry, where they first encountered drifting pack ice. Their progress slowed during the rest of the month, as wind, winter and ice often worked against them.

By the end of August, they had found a channel through the ice leading towards the Coppermine River, although the ice ahead would likely prevent them from reaching their seasonal goal of Wollaston Land. Information gathering, trade and assistance continued through regular encounters with groups of Inuit. Continuing overland, they crossed the Richardson River in small groups using a portable Halkett boat on September 5. As the travelling wore on, they discarded equipment to lighten their loads. By September 15th, they reached the advanced party, who had already begun construction of their winter quarters, Fort Confidence, and accumulation of winter stores. Here they passed the winter, periodically hunting, fishing and trading with the local Inuit to extend their rations, while Rae explored the lands between the Mackenzie and Coppermine Rivers. During December, the low temperature of -60°F was observed. By late May, the snow was melting and seasonal wildlife had begun to return.

Rae's Summer 1849 Expedition

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With only one boat available, it was decided that Rae should continue the search without Richardson's direct involvement. Rae began staging supply depots and advance hunters in April by dogsled. One June 7th Rae set out with a crew of six men, including two Cree Indians and one Inuit named Albert One-eye, to complete the exploration of the Coppermine River to the Arctic Sea and the coasts of Wollaston and Victoria Lands in search of Franklin. Initial progress over the frozed Dease River was slowly made by sledge. They reached the open open waters near Point Mackenzie on July 14th at 67° 51' 19" N. [1]

Here they were visited by seven Inuit, who reported that the natives of Wollaston Land had not seen any Europeans, boats, or ships. On the 16th, they reached Back's Inlet, and spent three days with these Inuit hosts, mapping the region. Poor weather and ice slowed their progress along the coast, and they finally made camp at 68° 24' 35" N. until conditions permitted travel. They finally pushed off from the coast into ice-filled waters on August 19th. Although some halting progress was made, they finally resolved to turn back on the 23rd, abandoning efforts to reach Wollaston Land, as the ice remained impassible. Progress was made, but a portaging accident claimed the life of the Inuit Albert and their only boat at Bloody Falls, the only fatality during Rae's exploration. The remaining party set out across land, reaching the Coppermine River on the 29th. They returned to Fort Confidence on September 1.

Concurrently, the same poor conditions prevented the expedition of Sir James Ross from reaching the Coppermine River from the North. The following summer, Rae left instructions to the local natives to prepare for a possible meeting with Ross in 1850.

Richardson's Return

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Richardson's main party left Fort Confidence on May 7, a full month before Rae set out for Wollaston Land. Travel was primarily by boat, as the warming conditions did not support much sledging. They camped on the shores of Bear Lake River for a month, awaiting a barge to ship their supplies. By June 8 they learned that the ice would not permit the barge to reach them, and the party set out on foot along the river.

By June 14th, they had reached Fort Simpson, where they stayed until the 25th. They continued on through August and September, reaching Sault Ste. Marie on September 25th, where a steam vessel provided further transport to Lake Huron. Richardson returned to Liverpool on November 6, 1849. [1]

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Rae continued his geographical survey and search for Franklin for the next several years on behalf of the Hudson Bay Company, establishing a base at Fort Confidence on Bear Lake beginning in 1850. [2] By the end of 1851, he had completed a survey of the southern shore of Wollaston Land. During the harsh winters, they shared their scarce provisions with the local Inuit, strengthening the bonds of cooperation, and none of the expedition members perished. During these expeditions, Rae continued to interview the local natives, but none had any reports of possible knowledge of Franklin's expedition, and no material evidence was discovered.

Franklin's Fate

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In July of 1854, John Rae sent a communication from his quarters on Repuse Bay to the Secretary of the Admiralty:

Repulse Bay, July 29.

SIR: - I have the honor to mention, for the information of my Lord's Commissioners of the Admiralty, that during my journey over the ice and snow this spring, with the view of completing the survey of the West shore of Boothia, I met with Esquimaux in the Pelly Bay, from one of whom I learned that a parto of "white men" (Kablounans) had perished from want of food some distance to the westward, and not far beyond a large river containing many falls and rapids. Subsequently, further particulars were received, and a number of articles purchased, which place the fate of a portion, if not of all, of the then survivors of Sir John Franklin's long lost party beyond a doubt - a fate terrible as the imagination can conceive.

In the spring, four winters past, (spring, 1850,) a party of "white men," amounting to about forty, were seen travelling southward over the ice, and dragging a boat with them, by some Esquimaux, who were killing seals near the North shore of King William's Land, which is a large island. None of the party could speak the Esquimaux language intelligibly, but by the signs of the natives were made to understand that their ship or ships, had been crushed by the ice, and that they were now going to where they expected to find deer to shoot. From the appearance of the men, all of whom, except one officer, looked thin, they were then supposed to be getting short of provisions, and purchased a small seal from the natives. At a later date the same season, but previous to the breaking up of the ice, the bodies of some thirty persons were discovered on the continent, and five on an island near it, about a long day's journey to the N. W. of a large stream, which can be no other than Back's Great Fish River, (named by the Esquimaux Doot-ko-hi-calik,) as its description, and that of the low shore in the neighborhood of Point Ogle and Montreal Island, agree exactly with that of Sir George Back. Some of the bodies had been buried, (probably those of the first victims of famine,) some were in a tent or tents, others under the boat, which had been turned over to form a shelter, and several lay scattered about in different directions. Of those found on the island one was supposed to have been an officer, as he had a telescope strapped over his shoulders, and his double-barrelled gun lay underneath him.

From the mutilated state of many of the corpses and the contents of the kettles, it is evident that our wretched countrymen had been driven to the last resource - cannibalism - as a means of prolonging existence.

There appeared to have been an abundant stock of ammunition, as the powder was emptied in a heap on the ground by the natives, out of the kegs or cases containing it; and a quantity of ball and shot was found below high-water mark, having probably been left on the ice close to the beach. There must have been a number of watches, compasses, telescopes, guns (several doubled barrelled,) &c., all of which appear to have been broken up, as I saw pieces of those different articles with the Esquimaux together with some silver spoons and forks. I purchased as many as I could get. A list of the most important of these I enclose, with a rough sketch of the crest and initials of the forks and spoons. These articles themselves shall be handed over to the Secretary of the Hudson's Bay Company on my arrival in London.

None of the Esquimaux with whom I conversed had seen the "whites," nor had they ever been at the place where the bodies were found, but had their information from those who had been there, and who had seen the party when travelling.

I offer no apology for taking the liberty of addressing you, as I do so from a belief that their Lordships would be desirous of being put in possession at as early date as possible of any tidings, however meagre and unexpectedly obtained, regarding this painfully interresting subject.

I may add that, by means of our guns and nets, we obtained an ample supply of provisions last autumn, and my small party passed the winter in snow houses in comparative comfort, theskins of the deer shot affording abundant warm clothing and bedding. My spring journey was a failure, in consequence of an accumulation of obstacles, several of which my former experience in Arctic travelling had not taught me to expect. I have &c.,

JOHN RAE, C.F.,
Commanding Hudson's Bay Company's Arctic Expedition." [3]

Rae subsequently abandoned the task of completing the charting of the area, instead focusing on responding to the communications of those interested in Franklin's fate. He returned to England on October 22 to find the the Admiralty had released his private communication to the press, arousing much public distress and anger. [4]

Legacy

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In addition to establishing the final fate of Franklin's lost expedition, Rae completed an extensive survey of the west coast of Boothia, and proved once and for all that King William's Land was in fact an island. His furthest northward penetration near Cape Porter was set at 60° 5' N. [3]

Rae's assertion of cannibalism was sufficiently unpleasant to cause him to be spurned publicly by Charles Dickens on behalf of Franklin's widow. Other searchers for Franklin were granted knighthoods for their service, but Rae was not. Ultimately, he did collect a £10,000 reward for resolving the Franklin question, but by then he had been largely omitted from the picture, to be largely forgotten by history. Despite the fact that Leopold McClintock located skeletal evidence on King William Island that supported Rae's account, he was never forgiven for delivering the bad news.[4] Rae retired from exploration a short time later, and ultimately his contributions as an explorer were recognized when he was elected a fellow of the Royal Society in 1880.

The Rae Strait, Rae River and the Rae Isthmus are named in his honor.

References

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  1. ^ a b c d Richardson, John (1852). Journal of a Boat-Voyage Through Rupert's Land and the Arctic Sea. New York: Harper & Brothers. Retrieved 2010-05-07.
  2. ^ Rae, John (1852). Further Correspondence and Proceedings Connected With The Arctic Expeditions. London: George Edward Eyre and William Spottiswoode. Retrieved 2010-05-07.
  3. ^ a b Leslie, Frank (1855). Frank Leslie's New York Journal. New York: Frank Leslie. Retrieved 2010-06-23.
  4. ^ a b Stamp, Tom (1985). New Scientist, February 7, 1985. London: New Science Publications, Holborn Publishing Group. Retrieved 2010-06-24. {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)